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Fascism in Asia

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Fascist movements and ideologies gained varying degrees of popularity across Asia during the interwar period (between World War I and World War II). These developments were often characterised by a synthesis of European fascist models – such as Italian fascism and Nazism – with indigenous ultranationalism, traditionalist conservatism, and anti-colonial sentiment. Some movements, such as those in Japan during the Showa era, achieved state power; however, others remained fringe political entities or served as paramilitary adjuncts to broader nationalist fronts.[1]

East Asia

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China

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Kuomintang

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Under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, the Kuomintang (KMT) party incorporated elements of fascist ideology into its governance. The party aimed to establish a one-party state, or Dang Guo, to solidify ideological supremacy and political control, drawing inspiration from contemporary European authoritarian models.[2]

The Blue Shirts Society (BSS) has been described as one of the most significant fascist groups in China during the period. The BSS began as a secret society in the KMT military before being reformed inside the party.[3] By the 1930s, the BSS held influence over China's economy and culture.[4][5] However, historian Jeffrey Crean notes that the Blue Shirts impacted only elite politics, not the vast majority of China's population.[6]: 64–65  The Blue Shirts felt contempt for liberal democracy and stressed the political usefulness of violence.[6]: 64  The society were influenced by KMT contact with Nazi advisors, and they were inspired by the German Brownshirts and the Italian Blackshirts. Unlike those organisations, however, the Blue Shirts were composed of political elites, not the popular masses.[6]: 64 

Close Sino-German ties also promoted cooperation between China's Nationalist Government and Nazi Germany in the early-to-mid 1930s. However, despite an early diplomatic honeymoon between Nationalist China and Nazi Germany, the Sino-German relationship deteriorated rapidly as Germany failed to pursue detente between China and Japan, which led to the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War. China later declared war on fascist countries – including Germany, Italy, and Japan – as part of the declarations of war during World War II, and it became the most powerful "anti-fascist" nation in Asia.[7]

The New Life Movement, initiated by Chiang Kai-shek, was a government-led civic movement in 1930s China. It aimed to promote cultural reform and Neo-Confucian social morality, and ultimately to unite China under a centralised ideology after the status quo was challenged by emerging ideologies. The movement attempted to counter the threats of Western and Japanese imperialism by resurrecting traditional Chinese morality, which it held to be superior to modern Western values. In this regard, the movement was based upon Confucianism, mixed with Christianity, nationalism, and an authoritarianism having some similarities to fascism.[2] The movement rejected individualism and liberalism, while also opposing socialism and communism. Some historians regard the New Life Movement as imitating Nazism and being a neo-nationalistic movement to increase Chiang's control over everyday life. Historian Frederic Wakeman suggests that the movement was "Confucian fascism".[8] The New Life Movement drew inspiration from the BSS, although some historians debate to what extent the movement was fascist.[3]

People's Republic of China

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Some accounts of the People's Republic of China (PRC) have described it as fascist and have drawn analogies with Nazi Germany.[9] Politician Hu Deping, the son of politician Hu Yaobang, used the term fascist during a discussion of PRC society in 2005.[10] As of 2025, an increasing number of scholars and journalists have drawn comparisons between fascism and the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping.[11][12] Similarities between the PRC in the 21st century and classical fascist regimes lie in two areas: their proximity to state capitalism (rather than orthodox communism), and their anti-democratic, anti-labour, and chauvinistic expansionism.[13] However, other authors have called such descriptions of the PRC "superficial".[9] For example, historian John Delury criticised the use of the term fascist to describe contemporary China,[10] and journalist Edward Luce termed such analogies "ahistorical".[14] Typically the Chinese Communist Party is labelled as left-conservative,[15][16] social conservative,[17][18][19] and "smart authoritarian"[20] rather than fascist. Some scholars have defined the Chinese Communist Party as "para-fascist" (rather than "fascist" in a strict sense).[21][22]

Japan

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Emperor-system fascism

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"Emperor-system fascism" (天皇制ファシズム, Tennōsei fashizumu)[23][24] reflects a view that ultranationalistic politics, society, and ideas based on the Empire of Japan's "Emperor system" were a type of fascism lasting until the end of World War II.

Statism in Japan during the Shōwa era

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Shōwa Statism (國家主義, Kokkashugi) is the nationalist ideology associated with the Empire of Japan, particularly during the Shōwa era. Developed over time since the Meiji Restoration, this ideology advocated Japanese nationalism, traditionalist conservatism, militarist imperialism and a dirigisme-based economy (in which the state plays a strong directive role).

Taisei Yokusankai

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The Imperial Rule Assistance Association (大政翼賛会, Taisei Yokusankai) was created by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe on 12 October 1940. The association evolved into a militaristic political party that aimed to remove sectionalism from the politics and economy of the Empire of Japan. The goal was to create a totalitarian one-party state, in order to maximise the efficiency of Japan's total war effort during World War II.[citation needed]

Tohokai

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Tohokai was a Japanese Nazi party formed by journalist and politician Seigo Nakano.[citation needed]

National Socialist Workers' Party

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The National Socialist Japanese Workers' Party is a small neo-Nazi party that is now classified as an uyoku dantai (a small Japanese ultranationalist far-right group).[citation needed]

South Korea

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Lee Beom-seok, a Korean independence activist and national-conservative politician, opposed the regimes of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan while expressing support for their emphasis on patriotism and ethnic-based nationalism. Along with South Korea's right-wing nationalist philosopher Ahn Ho-sang [ko], he embodied the One-People Principle, a major ideology of President Syngman Rhee's regime.[25]

Some South Korean liberal-left media have defined President Park Chung Hee's administration as an anti-American, Pan-Asian fascist and Chinilpa (collaborators with Japan) regime influenced by Ikki Kita's "Pure Socialism" (純正社会主義, Korean: 순정 사회주의).[26][27][28]

South Asia

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India

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Once the flag of the historical Maratha Empire, the Bhagwa Dhwaj (saffron flag) has since been appropriated as a symbol of the Hindutva ideology.

Hindutva is a far-right Hindu nationalist ideology. Inspired by the rise of fascist movements in Interwar Europe, Hindutva was formulated by politician and ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1922.[29][30] The ideology is championed by several organisations: the Hindu nationalist paramilitary volunteer organisation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),[31][32] and other organisations – collectively called the Sangh Parivar. Hindutva has been described as "almost fascist in the classical sense", following a concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony.[33][34] Some analysts dispute the "fascist" label and suggest that Hindutva is an extreme form of conservatism or ethno-nationalism.[35] Some Hindutva organisations advocate the irredentist concept of Akhand Bharat (unified Greater India).[36] Since the 2014 general election and the subsequent prime ministership of Narendra Modi, India has seen a significant mainstreaming of Hindutva within state discourse.[37][38]

Indian independence activist and militant nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose insisted on the union of Nazism and communism, in what he termed "Sāmyavāda".[39]

Pakistan

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Pakistan's Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan party is considered fascist by some analysts because of its engagement in Islamic extremism and militant terrorism.[40][41]

Southeast Asia

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Indonesia

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In 1933, in the Dutch East Indies, the Javanese politician Notonindito created the short-lived Indonesian Fascist Party. He had previously participated in Sukarno's political party, the Indonesian National Party.

There also existed a branch of the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) in Indonesia, namely the Indo NSB. This branch consisted primarily of Indo people, who had mixed Dutch and Indonesian ancestry.

Notonindito was already well acquainted with European people and society in the Dutch East Indies during his youth, through his membership in the Theosophical Society. In the early 1920s, he had travelled to Europe to complete his education – first in The Hague and then in Berlin, where he finished a doctorate in economics and commerce. After returning to the Dutch East Indies, he became involved in the Indonesian nationalist movement: initially in the Sarekat Islam Party in 1927, and later in Sukarno's Indonesian National Party in 1929, eventually becoming its chairman in the city of Pekalongan.

During the early 1930s in the Dutch East Indies, the influence of fascism was increasingly felt through organisations such as the Netherlands Indies Fascist Organization (Dutch: Nederlandsch Indische Fascisten Organisatie [NIFO]) and Fascisten Unie. These organisations appealed to expatriate Germans living in the Dutch East Indies, as well as some Dutch and Indo people.

In the summer of 1933, newspapers in Java reported that Notonindito had broken with the Indonesian National Party and founded his own party called the Partai Fasis Indonesia (Indonesian Fascist Party). The party was said to have the goal of an independent Java, where a descendant of Sutawijaya (founder of the Mataram Sultanate) would be its constitutional monarch. The party also wished the Dutch East Indies to become a federation of such independent kingdoms having a non-aggression pact with the Netherlands. Reaction to the new party was generally quite negative in the press of the Dutch East Indies. For example, a newspaper associated with the Indonesian National Party, Menjala, wrote that solutions to the problems of the Dutch East Indies should be found in the present, not in the feudal past. Similarly, the newspaper Sikap wrote that such a project was against the interests of the common Indonesian, and a twisting of Javanese historical figures into fascist mythology was poorly considered. By contrast, the editors of Djawa Barat thought that the party was counterproductive and harmful. Notonindito promptly denied that he had "accepted the offer" of this party to become its leader. An investigation by the newspaper De Locomotief indicated that the party did indeed exist and comprised several dozen members. The party's subsequent history remains undocumented.

In 1965, Indonesia experienced a political purge when the Indonesian military, led by Major General Suharto, killed more than half a million people; the military also arrested about a million others – from the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and leftist movements – without trial. These events supported the emergence of the New Order (Orde Baru) government led by Suharto.[42]

Thailand

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During World War II, the Thai Prime Minister Plaek Phibunsongkhram was inspired by Benito Mussolini. On 29 September 1955, Phibunsongkhram established the Seri Manangkhasila Party. It was the first political entity to be registered after the enactment of the Political Parties Act, B.E. 2498 (1955). The party secretary was Police General Phao Sriyanon, director of the Thailand National Police Department. The deputy leaders of the party were Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army, and Air Marshal Fuen Ronnaphagrad Ritthakhanee, Commander of the Royal Thai Air Force. The party's head office was located at the Manangkhasila Mansion.

Malaysia

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A political framework emphasising Malay supremacy – Ketuanan Melayu (lit. 'Malay overlordship' or 'Malay supremacy') – emerged from a series of congresses; these led to the 1946 formation of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a right-wing nationalist party. The party was founded on 10 May 1946 at the Third Malay Congress in Johor Bahru; politician Onn Jaafar was its founder, and its slogan was "Long Live Malays" and "Malaya For Malays". Subsequently, UMNO joined with two right-wing parties from the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), which represented the Chinese ethnic group, and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), which represented the Indian ethnic group.[clarification needed] This new alliance of UMNO, MCA, and MIC – united in their commitment to nationalism – was officially founded on 30 October 1957 under the name "Alliance Party" (Parti Perikatan), and replaced and reformed the party on 1 January 1974.[clarification needed] From that time onward, the alliance was known as the Barisan Nasional (transl. National Front; BN) and sought to continue the ideology of racial supremacy according to their respective ethnic parties to bring a combination of right-wing ideology.[clarification needed]

West Asia

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Iran

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Fascism in Iran was represented by the SUMKA (Hezb-e Sosialist-e Melli-ye Kargaran-e Iran; transl. National Socialist Workers Party of Iran), a neo-Nazi party founded by politician Davud Monshizadeh in 1952. SUMKA copied not only the ideology of the Nazi Party but also that group's style – adopting the swastika, the black shirt and the Hitler salute. At the same time, Monshizadeh sought to cultivate an appearance like that of Adolf Hitler.[43] The group became associated with opposition to Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh and the Tudeh Party, while supporting the Shah over Mossadegh.[43] The Azure Party and the Aria Party were other fascist groups. In addition, the contemporary Pan-Iranist Party is a right-wing group that has been accused of fascism because it adhered to chauvinism and irredentism.[44] After the Iranian Revolution in 1978–1979, right-wing populist politician and former ultraconservative ("deviant current") Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is suspected of being a "fascist".[45][46][47]

Iraq

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The Al-Muthanna Club (Arabic: نادي المثنى, Nadi al-Muthanna) was an influential pan-Arab fascist society established in Baghdad c. 1935–1937; it remained active until May 1941, when the coup d'état of pro-Nazi Prime Minister Rashid Ali al-Gaylani failed. The society was named after al-Muthanna ibn Haritha, an Iraqi Muslim Arab general who led forces that helped to defeat the Persian Sassanids at the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah (in 636 CE). Later known as the National Democratic Party, Nadi al-Muthanna was influenced by European fascism and controlled by radical Arab nationalists; according to political scientist Eric Davis, these nationalists "formed the core of new radicals" for a combined pan-Arab civilian and military coalition.[48]

In 1938, as fascism grew in Iraq, Saib Shawkat – a known fascist and pan-Arab nationalist – was appointed Director General of education.[dubious – discuss]

With his co-founder, Prime Minister Taha al-Hashimi, Shawkat founded the al-Muthanna Club in 1939; it remained under his guidance.

Under German ambassador Fritz Grobba's influence, the al-Muthanna Club developed a youth organisation, the Al-Futuwwa, modelled along the lines of European fascism and the Hitler Youth.

Politician Yunis al-Sabawi (يونس السبعاوي) – who translated Hitler's book Mein Kampf into Arabic in the early 1930s – was active in the al-Muthanna Club and in leading the Al-Futuwwa. He was a deputy in the Iraqi government, Minister of Economics. Al-Sabawi had become anti-Semitic; on 1 and 2 June 1941, members of al-Muthanna and its youth organisation led a mob that attacked Baghdad's Jewish community in a pogrom later named the Farhud. Two days before the Farhud, al-Sabawi – a government minister who proclaimed himself the governor of Baghdad – had summoned Rabbi Sasson Khaduri, the community leader, and recommended that Jews stay in their homes for the next three days as a protective measure. Al-Sabawi had planned for a larger massacre, intending to broadcast a call for the Baghdad public to massacre Jews. However, such a broadcast was never made, since al-Sabawi was forced to flee the country.

After the British overthrew the coup government, Sabawi was court-martialled for mutiny, sentenced to death, and hanged on 5 May 1942.

Israel

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Mandatory Palestine

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During the interwar period in Mandatory Palestine, a short-lived fascist-inspired ideology known as Revisionist Maximalism emerged within the broader Zionist Revisionist Movement (ZRM). Formed in 1930 by Abba Achimeir – a self-described fascist who rejected liberalism and humanism – this ideology served as the foundation for the radical underground faction Brit HaBirionim.[49][50] Driven by a rejection of British colonial rule and rising regional tensions following riots in 1929, the maximalists advocated an integralist, militant nationalism modelled on Italian fascism; this included a demand in 1932 for the ZRM to adopt dictatorial policies "in the spirit of complete fascism". This demand was fiercely resisted by moderate democratic revisionists such as Yaacov Kahan.[51] Despite opposing Nazi anti-Semitism, Achimeir briefly and controversially praised the Nazi Party in early 1933 for its anti-Marxist core and its rejection of Jewish assimilation.[52] This stance provoked swift, overwhelming condemnation across the Zionist spectrum, causing a rapid collapse in internal support; the faction reversed its position to militantly oppose Nazi Germany by mid-1933 before completely disintegrating later that year.[53]

Lebanon

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In Lebanon before World War II, two groups emerged who drew inspiration from the fascist movements which were active in Europe at that time:[54][55]

Both groups remain active, although neither demonstrates the characteristics of fascism.[citation needed]

The Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP; French: Parti populaire syrien [PPS]) was founded in Beirut in 1932 as a Greater Syrian enterprise; it has been influential in Lebanon and beyond. The party has faced accusations of having a fascist-like ideology.[61]

Syria

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The SSNP was founded in 1932 by Antun Saadeh to restore independence to Syria from France; the party took its lead from Nazism and fascism.[62] This group used the Roman salute and a symbol similar to the swastika.[63][64][65] Saadeh borrowed elements of Nazi ideology, notably a cult of personality and a yearning for a mythical, racially pure golden age.[66] In addition, a youth group – modelled on the Hitler Youth – was organised.[67]

In 1952, the Syrian dictator and military officer Adib Shishakli founded the Arab Liberation Movement, based on the idea of a "Greater Syria" (like the SSNP, Shishakli's former party) and Arab nationalism, but with additional fascistic elements.[citation needed] After the 1963 Syrian coup d'état, the Arab Liberation Movement was banned.[citation needed]

Turkey

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In Turkey, the group known as the Grey Wolves is widely regarded as neo-fascist; they are understood to operate as a paramilitary group and are famous for a salute known as the wolf salute. The Grey Wolves are regarded as a terrorist group in Austria, Kazakhstan and France.[68]

See also

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References

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  1. ↑ Thomas David DuBois (25 April 2011), Religion and the Making of Modern East Asia, Cambridge University Press, pp. 176–, ISBN 978-1-139-49946-0
  2. 1 2 Schoppa, R. Keith. The Revolution and Its Past. Archived 3 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine (New York: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2nd ed., 2006, pp. 208–209.
  3. 1 2 "Origins and Development of Chinese Fascism". Divulga UAB - University research dissemination magazine. February 2015.
  4. ↑ Hans J. Van de Ven (2003). War and nationalism in China, 1925-1945. Psychology Press. p. 165. ISBN 0-415-14571-6. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  5. ↑ Zhao, Suisheng (1996). Power by Design: Constitution-Making in Nationalist China. University of Hawai'i Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-8248-1721-3. JSTOR j.ctt6wr1hn.
  6. 1 2 3 Crean, Jeffrey (2024). The Fear of Chinese Power: An International History. New Approaches to International History series. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-23394-2.
  7. ↑ Guido Samarani, ed. (2005). Shaping the Future of Asia: Chiang Kai-shek, Nehru and China-India Relations During the Second World War Period. Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University.
  8. ↑ Wakeman, Frederic, Jr. (1997). "A Revisionist View of the Nanjing Decade: Confucian Fascism." The China Quarterly 150: 395–432.
  9. 1 2 Dessein, Axel (5 March 2021). "National Socialism in China: Rejuvenating the Nation, Socialist Modernisation, and the Mistaken Comparison with Nazism". Monde Chinois. 62 (2): 72–87. doi:10.3917/mochi.062.0072. ISSN 1767-3755.
  10. 1 2 Tatlow, Didi Kirsten (31 October 2012). "Can China Be Described as 'Fascist'?". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 December 2024.
  11. ↑ Chan, Melissa (31 January 2022). "China isn't just 'authoritarian' any more. It's scarier". Washington Post. Retrieved 22 November 2025.
  12. ↑ Beckley, Michael (6 December 2024). "China's Turn to Fascist Rule". The Globalist. Retrieved 22 November 2025.
  13. ↑ "Is China a fascist state?". openDemocracy. 19 June 2014. Retrieved 9 December 2025.
  14. ↑ Luce, Edward (20 September 2019). "The fraught debate about the nature of China". Financial Times. Retrieved 1 December 2024.
  15. ↑ Boaz, David (5 May 2015). "Left and Right in China". Cato Institute.
  16. ↑ Cai, Jane (12 June 2023). "How China's Xi Jinping promotes mix of Marxism and traditional culture to further Communist Party and 'Chinese dream'". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 12 June 2023. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  17. ↑ "Xi Jinping's War on Popular Culture". Civicus Lens. 3 December 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  18. ↑ Buckley, Chris (18 February 2018). "Xi Jinping Thought Explained: A New Ideology for a New Era?". The New York Times. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  19. ↑ "Why the Communist Party fears gay rights". The Economist. 15 May 2023. Retrieved 5 December 2025.
  20. ↑ Lind, Jennifer (27 November 2025). "China's 'smart authoritarianism' has upended ideas about autocracies' limitations. The West must cooperate to respond". Chatham House.
  21. ↑ Gregor, A. James (1995). Marxism, China, and Development: Reflections on Theory and Reality. Transaction Publishers.
  22. ↑ Stein Ringen (2016). The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century. Hong Kong University Press. p. 135.
  23. ↑ Kasza, Gregory (2006). Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul (eds.). World Fascism: A-K. ABC-CLIO. p. 353. ISBN 9781576079409.
  24. ↑ Tansman, Alan (2009). The Culture of Japanese Fascism. Duke University Press. p. 5. ISBN 9780822390701.
  25. ↑ 김기협 역사학자 (25 January 2021). ""100% 대한민국", 가능하다! 파시즘이라면". 프레시안 (in Korean). Retrieved 8 September 2021.
  26. ↑ "한국의 파시즘은 사라졌나: 일본 극우에 사상적 뿌리둔 박정희의 유산… 무의식에 깔린 잔재마저 청산해야" [Has Korean fascism disappeared?: Park Jeong-hee's legacy is ideologically rooted in the far right of Japan... Even the remnants of unconsciousness must be cleared.]. The Hankyoreh (in Korean). 18 November 1999. Retrieved 9 October 2021.
  27. ↑ "홍종학, 박정희와 나치 "상당히 유사"…논문서 주장" [Hong Jong-hak argued in his paper that Park Jung-hee and the Nazis are "very similar".]. 이데일리 (in Korean). 24 October 2017. Retrieved 9 October 2021.
  28. ↑ "10월 17일 유신 선포... '천황파시즘' 흠모한 박정희: 10월 유신은 일본제국 파시즘 체제의 전면적 부활" [Park Jung-hee, who declared a Yushin on October 17, admired the Tennō fascism: The October Yushin means the full revival of the Japanese imperial style fascism system.]. OhmyNews (in Korean). 16 October 2012. Retrieved 9 October 2021.
  29. ↑ Leidig, Eviane (17 July 2020). "Hindutva as a variant of right-wing extremism". Patterns of Prejudice. 54 (3): 215–237. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2020.1759861. hdl:10852/84144. ISSN 0031-322X.
  30. ↑ Ross, M.H. (2012). Culture and Belonging in Divided Societies: Contestation and Symbolic Landscapes. Book collections on Project MUSE. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-8122-0350-9.
  31. ↑ The Hindutva Road, Frontline, 4 December 2004
  32. ↑ Krishna 2011, p. 324.
  33. ↑ Prabhat Patnaik (1993). "Fascism of our times". Social Scientist. 21 (3/4): 69–77. doi:10.2307/3517631. JSTOR 3517631.
  34. ↑ Frykenberg 2008, pp. 178–220: "This essay attempts to show how — from an analytical or a historical perspective — Hindutva is a melding of Hindu fascism and Hindu fundamentalism."
  35. ↑ Chetan Bhatt; Parita Mukta (May 2000). "Hindutva in the West: Mapping the Antinomies of Diaspora Nationalism". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 23 (3): 407–441. doi:10.1080/014198700328935. S2CID 143287533. Quote: "It is also argued that the distinctively Indian aspects of Hindu nationalism, and the RSS's disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society, suggests a strong distance from both German Nazism and Italian Fascism. Part of the problem in attempting to classify Golwalkar's or Savarkar's Hindu nationalism within the typology of 'generic fascism', Nazism, racism and ethnic or cultural nationalism is the unavailability of an appropriate theoretical orientation and vocabulary for varieties of revolutionary conservatism and far-right-wing ethnic and religious absolutist movements in 'Third World' countries".
  36. ↑ Chetan Bhatt; Parita Mukta (May 2000). "Hindutva in the West: Mapping the Antinomies of Diaspora Nationalism". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 23 (3): 407–441. doi:10.1080/014198700328935. S2CID 143287533.
  37. ↑ Hansen, Thomas Blom; Roy, Srirupa (2022). Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781009100489.
  38. ↑ Varshney, Ashutosh; Staggs, Connor (2024). "Hindu Nationalism and the New Jim Crow". Journal of Democracy. 35. Johns Hopkins University Press: 5–18. doi:10.1353/jod.2024.a915345.
  39. ↑ Tumiotto, Maria (16 November 2023). "Strategy or Fascination? Subhas Chandra Bose's Relations with Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and the Making of Sāmyavāda (1930s–1940s)". Global Intellectual History. doi:10.1080/23801883.2023.2278785.
  40. ↑ Ammar Ali Jan (29 November 2017). "Seven theses on the rise of fascism in Pakistan". The News International.
  41. ↑ Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective, Muhammad Shoaib Pervez, p.2, Routledge
  42. ↑ Robinson, Geoffrey (2024). "Silence, on tue des communistes indonésiens". Le Monde diplomatique (in French). Retrieved 25 July 2026.
  43. 1 2 Hussein Fardust, The Rise and Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty: Memoirs of Former General Hussein, p. 62
  44. ↑ Azimi, Fakhreddin (2008). Quest for Democracy in Iran: A Century of Struggle Against Authoritarian Rule. Harvard University Press. p. 253. ISBN 978-0674027787.
  45. ↑ Golnaz Esfandiari (22 June 2006). "Iran: Mahmud Ahmadinejad -- Fascist, Or Man Of The People?". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
  46. ↑ Victor Davis Hanson (30 April 2006). "The End of Days". Hoover Institute.
  47. ↑ Patrick Clawson (30 June 2005). "Next Generation". Archived from the original on 14 May 2024. Retrieved 24 March 2026.
  48. ↑ Davis, Eric (2005). Memories of State. University of California Press. ISBN 9780520235465.
  49. ↑ Kaplan, Eran (2005). The Jewish Radical Right. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0299203801.
  50. ↑ Larsen, Stein Ugelvik (ed.). Fascism Outside of Europe. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. ISBN 0-88033-988-8. pp. 364–365.
  51. ↑ Larsen, p. 377.
  52. ↑ Larsen, pp. 379, 381.
  53. ↑ Larsen, p. 380.
  54. ↑ Larsen, Stein Ugelvik (2001). Fascism Outside Europe: The European Impulse Against Domestic Conditions in the Diffusion of Global Fascism. EEM Social Science Monographs. Social Science Monographs. p. 411. ISBN 9780880339889. Retrieved 22 June 2025. In November, 1936, the Phalanges (Al-Kata'ib) of the Christian Maronites were established by two athletes who returned much impressed from the Berlin Olympic Games. The Muslims in Lebanon soon responded in 1937 by establishing Al-Najada.
  55. ↑ Mideast Mirror. 1962. p. 2. Retrieved 15 June 2025. The dissolved PPS was one of three political parties with paramilitary formations. The others are the Najada with its paramilitary youth movement, which, led by Adnan Hakim, is Moslem and works for Arab Unity; and the Phalange, which is Christian and led by Pierre Gemayel and advocates Lebanese nationalism as distinct from pan-Arabism. [...] All three were founded in the thirties and their youth movements were based on European Fascist models.
  56. ↑ Fisk, Robert (7 August 2007). "Lebanese strike a blow at US-backed government". The Independent. Archived from the original on 13 February 2010. Retrieved 10 April 2009. [...] Pierre [Gemayel] - grandfather of the MP murdered last November -[...] founded the Phalange in 1936 after being inspired by the Nazi Berlin Olympics. "I thought Lebanon needed some of this order", he admitted to me shortly before his death; the original Phalange dressed in brown shirts and gave the Hitler salute. But they had turned themselves into a neo-respectable right-wing party by 1982 [...].
  57. ↑ Reich, Bernard (1990). Political leaders of the contemporary Middle East and North Africa: a biographical dictionary. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 203–204 / 557. ISBN 9780313262135.
  58. ↑ Entelis, John Pierre (1974). Pluralism and party transformation in Lebanon: Al-Kataʼib, 1936-1970. Social, economic, and political studies of the Middle East. Vol. 10. Brill. pp. 45 / 227. ISBN 9789004039117.
  59. ↑ Rabah Makram Rabah (18 August 2020). Conflict on Mount Lebanon: The Druze, the Maronites and Collective Memory. Alternative Histories. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9781474474207. Retrieved 15 June 2025. In 1943, the Kataeb [...] was one of the main factions that, along with its Muslim equivalent, the al-Najada Party, took to the streets for what is popularly referred to as the 'battle of Lebanese independence'.
  60. ↑ The Lebanon Sample: A Microcosm of the Arab World? :"[...] in 1947 [...] two prominent sectarian movements [...] paraded themselves as social movements: the Falange (1935), a Maronite gathering, and An-Najada (1937), which was Sunni. In 1947, the secular parties were banned; the sectarians were not. Subsequently, sectarianism had the field for itself."
  61. ↑ Zisser, Eyal (15 July 2014). "Memoirs Do Not Deceive: Syrians Confront Fascism and Nazism -- as Reflected in the Memoirs of Syrian Political Leaders and Intellectuals". In Gershoni, Israel (ed.). Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion. Middle Eastern studies / history. Austin: University of Texas Press. p. 78. ISBN 9780292757455. Retrieved 22 June 2025. [...] the character of the PPS has been the focus of scholarly debate ever since its founding at the beginning of the 1930s, and certainly since the 1940s, when it became a significant political power in Syria and Lebanon. The PPS is discussed more than any other political party active in the Syrian lands in those days, with the main question being whether the PPS was a Fascist party that drew its inspiration from Nazi Germany or if it perhaps had other roots [...].
  62. ↑ Simon, Reeva S. (1996). Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East. Macmillan Reference USA. ISBN 0028960114. The Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) was the brainchild of Antun Sa'ada, a Greek Orthodox Lebanese who was inspired by Nazi and fascist ideologies.
  63. ↑ Ya’ari, Ehud (June 1987). "Behind the Terror". Atlantic Monthly. [The SSNP] greet their leaders with a Hitlerian salute; sing their Arabic anthem, "Greetings to You, Syria", to the strains of "Deutschland, Deutschland über alles"; and throng to the symbol of the red hurricane, a swastika in circular motion.
  64. ↑ Pipes, Daniel (1992). Greater Syria. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195060229. The SSNP flag, which features a curved swastika called the red hurricane (zawba'a), points to the party's fascistic origins.
  65. ↑ Rolland, John C. (2003). Lebanon. Nova Publishers. ISBN 1590338715. [The SSNP's] red hurricane symbol was modeled after the Nazi swastika.
  66. ↑ Johnson, Michael (2001). All Honourable Men. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1860647154. Saadeh, the party's 'leader for life', was an admirer of Adolf Hitler and influenced by Nazi and fascist ideology. This went beyond adopting a reversed swastika as the party's symbol and singing the party's anthem to Deutschland über alles, and included developing the cult of a leader, advocating totalitarian government, and glorifying an ancient pre-Christian past and the organic whole of the Syrian Volk or nation.
  67. ↑ Becker, Jillian (1984). The PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 0297785478. [The SSNP] had been founded in 1932 as a youth movement, deliberately modeled on Hitler's Nazi Party. For its symbol it invented a curved swastika, called the Zawbah.
  68. ↑ "Diese 13 extremistischen Symbole werden verboten". Heute (in German). 12 February 2019. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020.

Works cited

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