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Minzoku-ha

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Minzoku-ha (民族派, lit. "ethnic nationalist groups")[1][2] or New Right (新右翼, shin-uyoku)[3] is a Japanese ethno-nationalist faction that emerged after postwar Japan.

Content

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Minzoku-ha are known to be more anti-American (反米保守, lit. "anti-American conservative") than mainstream conservatives or Japanese nationalists. It originated among the student agitations of the 1960s and 1970s, many of whom were followers of Yukio Mishima.

In postwar Japan, mainstream conservatives prioritized "anti-communism" (反共主義) over Japanese "[ethno-]nationalism" (民族主義) in the context of the Cold War; however, minzoku-ha was critical of the pro-Americanism of mainstream conservatives. Minzoku-ha grew up influenced by Yukio Mishima's nationalism and the Japanese New Left.[4][5]

History

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Shōwa era

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In the post-war era, the Japanese right wing prioritized "anti-communism" over "nationalism" under the geopolitical framework of the Cold War. In response to this status quo, a faction of youth and student activists emerged in the late 1960s that placed greater emphasis on "nationalism" rather than mere "anti-communism." Drawing a clear line between themselves and the established right wing, they disliked being labeled as uyoku (右翼, lit. "right-wing") and instead referred to themselves as the minzoku-ha.[4]

However, critics point out that during the Cold War, constitutional amendment initiatives were impossible due to the opposition of the Japan Socialist Party (now the Social Democratic Party), which supported Eastern Bloc nations like the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. Consequently, Japan could not maintain a formal military; if the country had acted according to the claims of the minzoku-ha, it would have faced international and security isolation and lost the economic growth driven by exports to the United States. Japanese nationalist-leaning critics also argued that, unlike the pre-war era when internal Soviet spies and Chinese sympathizers led the United States federal government to adopt anti-Japanese policies, deliberately antagonizing the Western Bloc in the post-war era would only benefit the Soviet Union. In fact, while some of their rhetoric was supported by the anti-American left wing who found it useful, the minzoku-ha failed to gain broad public support.[5]

In contrast, pro-American factions expanded their support, achieving the dissolution of the Soviet Union (which the left wing had supported) through close cooperation with the U.S. Subsequently, amid military provocations against Japan by China, public support for the U.S.–Japan Security Treaty rose to around 80%, broadening mainstream support. Pro-American right-wingers argue that they acted based on the bigger geopolitical picture rather than raw emotion—even at a time when there was strong domestic opposition to the Japan Self-Defense Forces—and that the stark contrast between post-war Japan's development and that of East Germany (the most successful state in the Eastern Bloc) proved the correctness of aligning with the West for economic and national security.[6]

Driven significantly by the rhetoric and actions of Yukio Mishima and the activism methodologies of the Japanese New Left, the minzoku-ha movement experienced rapid development during this period. A key characteristic of the minzoku-ha's political stance was their fierce criticism of the global division of power between the United States and the Soviet Union, which they termed the "Yalta–Potsdam system [ja]". Shusuke Nomura [ja], generally regarded as a prominent figure of the minzoku-ha, engaged in debates with the New Left and anarchists, and even appeared on TV Asahi's debate program Asamade Nama TV! [ja]. These active media and public discourse efforts drew significant attention, as they were unprecedented among traditional right-wing groups.[7] Additionally, Chiren Mizawa [ja], the former head of the United Front Volunteer Army (統一戦線義勇軍, Tōitsu Sensen Giyūgun), went on to have a long career as a writer of pure literature.

Heisei era

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During the early Heisei era, there was a movement within the faction to support the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (Atarashii Rekishi Kyōkasho o Tsukurukai).

From the perspective of "anti-American nationalism," some factions showed sympathy or solidarity toward countries antagonistic to the United States, such as North Korea, Ba'athist Iraq, and the Russian Federation. Journalist Koji Takazawa reported that during his visit to North Korea in 1995, Takamaro Tamiya [ja] of the Yodo-go group [ja] (the Japanese Red Army hijackers) disclosed a plan to establish a political organization named the "Aizoku Dōmei" (Patriotic Alliance) in Japan, aiming to incorporate Japanese minzoku-ha organizations.[8] Takazawa cut ties with Tamiya due to ideological conflict and distanced himself from his minzoku-ha acquaintances for a long time.[9]

Mitsuhiro Kimura [ja] and Chiren Mizawa traveled to Pyongyang in 1995 and met with the Yodo-go group. Kunio Suzuki also traveled to North Korea multiple times starting in April 2008. At one point, trade with Japan was considered between Isuikai [ja] and the Yodo-go group.[10] When Yoshimi Tanaka was arrested on suspicion of involvement in a North Korean counterfeit U.S. dollar scandal, Kimura and Suzuki traveled to Thailand to visit and support him at Chonburi Prison. Nationalist figure Masahiro Ninagawa has supported Hiroyuki Jo, who was formerly associated with Chongryon (General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) and had links to North Korean agents.[11]

The "Action Conservative Movement" (ACM), which emerged in the late 2000s and expanded their influence through the internet, were strongly influenced by pro-American conservatism[12] and frequently clashed with the minzoku-ha. These ACM are often described as being single-issue focused on "anti-Chinese and anti-Korean xenophobia," and are said to lack the historical sense of struggle inherited by the minzoku-ha and traditional right-wing groups (such as the sound-truck right-wing, or gaisen uyoku [ja]).[13] Isuikai leader Mitsuhiro Kimura harshly criticized the xenophobic aspects of these ACM, calling them a "disgusting group unworthy of the name right-wing."[14] On the other hand, some organizations rooted in the minzoku-ha lineage, such as the Ishin Seito Shimpu (Restoration Political Party – New Wind), have strengthened ties with them.

In the wake of the Great East Japan Earthquake and the Fukushima nuclear accident, some members of the minzoku-ha called for the "abolition of nuclear power" from the perspective of "protecting our mountains and rivers" and "not polluting the homeland."[15][16]

Meanwhile, Suzuki, who led the "New Right" (Shin-Uyoku) movement for many years, distanced himself from right-wing and minzoku-ha activism in his later years, declaring a "departure from the right wing." He notably stated, "While I believe the current constitution is an imposed constitution, an occupation constitution, an occupation constitution with freedom is far better than an independent constitution without freedom."[17]

Young minzoku-ha

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Young minzoku-ha (青年民族派, Seinen Minzoku-ha) refers to a student-centered nationalist movement that emerged in Japan during the late 1960s. The movement advocated for a "revolution from the right" and rallied around struggles against the Anpo Treaty.

The minzoku-ha criticized the conventional right-wing of the era, arguing that it prioritized anti-communism above all else to the point of losing sight of the "state" and the "nation," thereby inadvertently reinforcing and affirming the Potsdam political system under the Cold War. In opposition to this, they advocated for the "overthrow of the YP system" and proposed a line of national revolution. Furthermore, their stance toward the New Left was not one of simple anti-communist hostility, but rather a form of factional and ideological competition. In this sense, the "New Right" counterpart to the New Left could arguably be identified with the Young minzoku-ha. Some members are also said to have been involved with the Waseda University Zenkyoto (All-Campus Joint Struggle Committee) under the banner of the Nationalist Zenkyoto.[18]

They were the first right-wing organization to adopt the "Song of Young Japan" (the song of the Showa Restoration) as their movement anthem (akin to the New Left's use of "The Internationale"). They also conducted mass demonstrations featuring hundreds of members in a Black Helmet [ja] squad carrying both the flag of Japan and black flags.[18]

The movement was spearheaded by three main factions: the Japan Student Conference [ja], the unified faction of the Japan Student Alliance [ja], and the National Federation of Student Self-Government Associations [ja].

Minzoku-ha groups

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Activists

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See also

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References

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  1. 民族派を英語で Eijirō. "民族派: ethnic nationalist (groups)"
  2. Decentralization – Social Science Japan Newsletter. Newsletter of the lnstitute of Social Science, University of Tokyo. "... ethnic nationalist groups (minzoku-ha) and the “new" right (shin-uyoku) take a more intellectual and philosophical approach to their activism." on September 2007. ISSN 1340-7155
  3. Stefan Fuchs (5 December 2018). Japanese 'Right-wing Rock'? A Lyrics Content Analysis. "In response to the protest movement against the US-Japan Security Treaty, which was carried out predominantly by left-wing student associations, in the early 1960s Japan saw the arrival of an academic far-right movement that followers refer to as Minzoku-ha 民族派 (ethnic faction) but is usually known to the general public by the name Shin-uyoku 新右翼 (The New Right), a label coined by the Japanese mass media as an equivalent to the so-called Shin-sayoku 新左翼 (The New Left).". p. 81.
  4. 1 2 千坂恭二 (2015), "思想としてのファシズム" 彩流社
  5. 1 2 日高義樹 (2014), "オバマの敗北、プーチンの勝利". Voice. p. 95
  6. 日高義樹「オバマの敗北、プーチンの勝利」、Voice (1 May 2014). p. 95
  7. 鈴木邦男『右翼は言論の敵か』(ちくま新書, 2009)
  8. 宿命―「よど号」亡命者たちの秘密工作
  9. リハビリと白寿。そして連合赤軍と千年桜
  10. 朝日新聞1995年5月3日
  11. 明日への提言 実話時報 ゴールデン 2012.5.14
  12. <ネット右翼十五年史>なぜ、彼らは差別的言説を垂れ流すのか(古谷 経衡) | 現代ビジネス | 講談社(2/5)
  13. 宮城佑輔 右派系社会運動における2つの文化 <右翼・民族派> と <右派系市民団体> の相互作用過程
  14. 【右翼と言えない弱者いじめ】<ヘイトスピーチ>法規制は言論の萎縮に 民族派団体「一水会」代表・木村三浩氏(June 2013・共同通信社)
  15. 針谷大輔(統一戦線義勇軍議長) 『右からの脱原発』 ケイアンドケイプレス (20 November 2012) ISBN 490667447X
  16. 右からの脱原発デモ "非常時にイデオロギーは要らない" (31 July 2011) 田中龍作ジャーナル
  17. マガジン9〜この人に聞きたい『鈴木邦男さんに聞いた』(その1)〜
  18. 1 2 千坂恭二『思想としてのファシズム──「大東亜戦争」と1868』(彩流社 2015年)