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The Old Order Review · Jul 22, 2025

Israel is Weird

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The Old Order Review · The Old Order Review

Israel is full of contradictions. It was born out of unimaginable trauma, built on a fabricated identity, and sustained by an alliance with the United States that often defies logic. There is no other country quite like it, either in how it came to exist or in how it continues to operate in global politics. To understand Israel, we must strip away the comforting myths and face a dark truth.

To understand Israel, we need to go further back. What was Zionism in the first place? Before the French Revolution, European Jews lived largely in ghettoes, bound by a distinct ethnic and cultural identity with Yiddish as their shared language.

After emancipation in Western Europe, many Jews chose assimilation into modern society, embracing Enlightenment ideals. But in Eastern Europe, where Jews remained ostracized, other movements arose. Bundism, for example, called for Jewish self-determination in majority Jewish areas like Vilna in Lithuania. Territorialists, on the other hand, proposed building Jewish colonies in unpopulated parts of the world to preserve Yiddish culture.

Zionism, however, took a different path. It was focused on finding a home for the Jewish people but was determined to make it Palestine, a land they claimed as their ancient homeland and God-given inheritance.

In 1903 the British offered the Zionists territory in Uganda for Jewish colonization. Some even suggested settling in the sparsely populated southern parts of Argentina. But the Zionists rejected both proposals. From that moment they became committed to the blood and soil mystique of Palestine as the god given land for the Jewish people. Because Palestine was already inhabited by an Arab peasantry, Zionism in practice had to become an ideology of conquest.

Under the influence of Vladimir Jabotinsky, the Zionist-Revisionist movement emerged, advocating for a Jewish state to rule historic Palestine on both sides of the Jordan River. Jabotinsky himself openly admired the militarism and social philosophy of Mussolini’s fascism. This strain of Zionism emphasized force, expansion, and an uncompromising vision of Jewish sovereignty over the entire ancient homeland.

Of all the Jewish responses to the nineteenth-century crisis, Zionism was the least practical and yet it was the one that succeeded. But how?

Most people believe Palestine was simply given to European Jews by the UN after the Holocaust. That is partly true, but the story goes back much further. For decades before World War II, Zionist groups had been agitating for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Some resorted to violence, targeting not only Arab communities but also the British authorities ruling the territory. Zionist militias like Irgun and Lehi carried out multiple terror attacks against British officials, soldiers, and infrastructure in a ruthless campaign to drive out the colonial presence and secure the land for themselves.

This was not just a peaceful political movement. It involved terrorism, bombings, and assassinations. The bombing of the King David Hotel in 1946, carried out by Irgun, killed nearly 100 people. But more fatefully, on April 9, 1948, fanatical Zionist-Revisionist terrorists from Irgun Zvai Leumi massacred around 100 women and children in the Arab village of Deir Yassin. By the time Israel declared independence on May 15, Palestinian Arabs, demoralized and terrified, were fleeing in panic from their homes under the threat of further massacres. Violence played a real part in Israel’s founding, along with international finance and lobbying. But if the justification for this violence rests on history, we must ask: how solid is that history? What if the ancient connection to the land is itself a myth?

In the end Zionism triumphed. Their wish for a state in Palestine was fulfilled, presented to the world as the ancient land God had promised to the Jewish people. But is this claim true? Supporters of Zionism insist it is not merely a political movement but the return of an ancient people to their ancestral homeland. Yet archaeology tells a very different story. Excavations at Elephantine, a small Egyptian city, uncovered a 2,500-year-old Jewish community from the time of the Babylonian conquest. These Jews spoke of Passover and YHWH, but they also worshipped multiple gods, performed animal sacrifices, and seemed completely unaware of Moses. They wrote letters to Jerusalem asking for guidance, and yet the high priests did not condemn them as heretics.

This strange evidence supports what some scholars now argue. The Judaism we know today did not exist in the distant past. Instead, it was formalized much later as part of a political and cultural project. The minimalists in biblical studies believe that Moses, monotheism, and the idea of a timeless ancient covenant were myths created centuries after the events they supposedly describe.

There were Jews in ancient Palestine, but they lived like their neighbors, worshipping many gods and sharing cultural practices with surrounding tribes. Kings like David and Solomon probably existed, but they were not the rulers of a mighty empire. At best they were local warlords presiding over small chiefdoms.

All of this began to change during the Hellenistic period after Alexander the Great’s empire absorbed Judea. Greek culture with its philosophy, art, sports, and science captivated the Jewish elite. Aristocratic families in Jerusalem began advocating for full Hellenization, even taking control of the priesthood. Young Judeans built gymnasiums, competed in Greek games, and stopped circumcising their children to fit in with the ideal of the perfect naked male form.

This triggered a backlash. Traditionalist Jews viewed the Hellenizers as traitors, and in 167 BC the Maccabees launched a successful revolt. With their victory, the new rulers of Judea faced a cultural problem. Greek myths were universal and sophisticated. Jewish traditions seemed parochial by comparison. To compete they had to reinvent their own history.

Like Plato’s idea of the noble lie in The Republic, they took fragmented tribal stories and stitched them into a grand national narrative. Solomon became a king of gold, Moses a prophet of the one true God, and Yahweh the supreme ruler of history. This mythology gave their new state legitimacy and cultural weight. Ironically, it worked so well that even the Greeks and later the Romans came to respect the Jews as guardians of an ancient tradition.

This origin story undermines the Zionist claim of an unbroken chain stretching back to Moses. If Judaism itself was partly a political invention, then modern Zionism is doubly so. Modern Israel was born from this invented history. But what makes it stranger still is that the people who built the Jewish state did not even believe in the religious myths they used as justification.

Hearing this story gives at least some sense of logic behind Zionist actions, but here is where things get truly strange. Israel calls itself a Jewish state, yet the majority of its population identifies as secular. The founders themselves were atheists. Many Israelis do not follow religious practices or even believe in the biblical stories used to justify the country’s existence.

Yet the claim to the land is still wrapped in religious language. The argument for why Israel belongs to the Jewish people is often rooted in the Bible, invoking ancient texts as the foundation of its national legitimacy. But this was always a façade. The Zionist leaders knew the myths were not true. To cement that power, they needed more than land. They needed a people with a shared identity. This meant resurrecting not only history but also language and names.

To create a national identity, Israel’s founders made some dramatic moves. One of the most striking was the revival of Hebrew. It had not been spoken as a daily language for over 2,000 years. As mentioned before, Jewish culture in Europe and America was shaped by the West, while in Eastern Europe Yiddish was the common tongue. But early Zionist leaders rejected Yiddish, seeing it as a reminder of Europe’s ostracism and humiliation. Instead they revived Hebrew, a language no one had spoken in a thousand years.

In the end they succeeded. Today Hebrew is the language of government, education, and daily life. Even Israelis who speak English carry a distinct accent that comes from this once-dead language.

Equally symbolic was the practice of changing names. David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, was born David Grün in Germany. Benjamin Netanyahu’s family name was Mileikowsky, and they came from Poland. These name changes were meant to erase their European past and craft a new Israeli identity in a language that had itself been resurrected from obscurity.

Ironically, in more recent times the opposite has happened. Many Jewish celebrities in Hollywood have changed their names to more Americanized ones. Whether for acceptance or anonymity, we can only speculate. But it remains a striking phenomenon in entertainment and public life.

It is true that a façade of process was maintained, perhaps to avoid making the creation of Israel seem too obvious or illegitimate. The United Nations approved the partition of Palestine in 1947, giving the green light to the establishment of a Jewish state. One of the key votes came from Guatemala, a country with no real connection to the Middle East. Yet the people most affected, the Palestinians living in the territory, were not given a voice or a vote.

The result was a division that led to war and the displacement of over 700,000 Palestinians. Many of their families remain stateless to this day. On paper the creation of Israel was legal, but morally and politically it has been controversial from the very beginning.

Even if the original UN partition had been followed, the dimensions of Israel today are vastly disproportionate. It now occupies parts of Syria and most of what was once ancient Palestine. Some Zionist projects have even openly spoken of a Greater Israel that would stretch across all of Jordan, southern Lebanon, and parts of Egypt. This dream of Greater Israel might sound far-fetched, but it has been made possible by an ally willing to bankroll its ambitions and shield it from criticism: the United States.

Since 1948, the United States has given Israel over 150 billion dollars in aid. That amount is larger than the total aid the U.S. has provided to entire continents. On top of direct financial support, America supplies Israel with advanced weapons and shields it from criticism at the United Nations.

Why does Israel receive such extraordinary support? A major reason is political lobbying. Groups like AIPAC spend millions influencing lawmakers and shaping public opinion. For many U.S. politicians, supporting Israel has become a political necessity. Criticizing Israel, even over clear human rights violations, is often treated as political suicide.

This does not mean Jewish Americans as a group control U.S. policy. But there is a highly organized, well-funded network that ensures Israel remains a top priority in Washington, regardless of the consequences. Many large businesses with Jewish ownership or influence also openly support Israel, holding significant stakes in key industries and political campaigns across the country.

One of the most disturbing aspects of America’s support for Israel is how it has led the United States to empower the same extremist groups it once vowed to destroy. After 9/11, America swore to hunt down Bin Laden and annihilate al-Qaeda. These groups inflicted unimaginable suffering on the country, yet somehow Israel managed to convince America to fund the very same jihadist factions that had brought such sorrow to American lives.

But why would Israel want this, and how did they manage to pull it off?

General Wesley Clark revealed the infamous “seven countries in five years” plan. He recalled that shortly after 9/11, a senior Pentagon officer showed him a classified memo outlining a U.S. strategy:

“We’re going to take out seven countries in five years: Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran.”

This plan, according to Clark, came from neoconservatives in the Bush administration such as Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle whose ideology and loyalties aligned closely with Israeli strategic interests.

The roots of this doctrine run deeper. In 1996, a policy memo titled A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm was drafted for then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The document called for preemptive action against Iraq and Syria and proposed new regional alliances to secure Israeli dominance while abandoning land-for-peace agreements. Key authors included Perle, Douglas Feith, David Wurmser, and Netanyahu himself was closely involved in shaping its vision. Many of these authors later served in senior roles in the U.S. government, ensuring a direct link between Israeli strategic priorities and American foreign policy.

A year later, the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), founded by William Kristol and Robert Kagan, echoed these themes. PNAC’s founding statement urged regime change in Iraq and advocated for American global dominance as a moral duty. Nearly half of its signatories entered the Bush administration where they implemented policies that reflected Israeli interests more than America’s own.

Even during the Clinton years, the same pattern emerged. Martin Indyk, a British-born Australian academic with close ties to pro-Israel lobbying groups, was appointed U.S. ambassador to Israel and later became Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Indyk, a co-founder of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, not only shaped Clinton’s Middle East agenda to align with Israeli objectives but also authored the “Dual Containment” policy against Iraq and Iran. This strategy sought to simultaneously weaken both regimes, despite their mutual hostility, because each posed strategic challenges to Israel. Critics accused Indyk of prioritizing Israeli security over broader American interests, particularly in the handling of the Oslo Accords and the approach to Iraq and Iran.

But what does this have to do with financing terrorism? The governments in these targeted countries in different ways posed obstacles to Israel’s dominance in the region. They were dictatorships, yes, but they kept Islamist groups in check. To topple them, the United States began arming and funding rebels, many of whom were tied to al-Qaeda or shared its extremist ideology. In Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, Washington provided weapons, money, and even air support to groups it once called terrorists.

The results were catastrophic. The overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the war that killed Muammar Gaddafi in Libya, and the attempted removal of Bashar al-Assad in Syria left power vacuums that jihadists rushed to fill. Out of this chaos rose ISIS, a self-declared Islamic caliphate spanning territory the size of the United Kingdom, launching mass killings and terrorist attacks across the globe.

This policy has made the Middle East far more dangerous and unstable. It has cost American taxpayers trillions of dollars, led to millions of deaths across the region, claimed thousands of U.S. soldiers’ lives, and fueled a wave of veteran suicides. It has created new enemies for America and empowered the same terrorists responsible for 9/11, betraying the very people the government is sworn to protect.

The influence behind these choices runs so deep that it has pushed Washington to make decisions utterly at odds with American interests. Policies that defy both logic and national security, leaving one haunting question: how did Israel manage to convince America to do this?

The answer lies in Israel’s foreign policy, which is not based on alliances or shared values but on manipulation, coercion, and moral rot. Jeffrey Epstein’s network is a perfect example. Multiple sources have alleged that Epstein was connected to Mossad and used his private island, jets, and underage girls to lure powerful Americans into compromising situations. Photographs and videos of prominent politicians and businessmen engaging in sexual acts with minors were allegedly collected as blackmail material. This was not just depravity. It was leverage.

This is not without precedent. In By Way of Deception, former Mossad officer Victor Ostrovsky described how Israel’s intelligence agency routinely used blackmail, honey pots, and even staged scandals to control foreign decision-makers. For Mossad, no tactic was off limits as long as it secured Israeli objectives.

Even more chilling is the USS Liberty incident. In 1967 Israeli forces attacked an American Navy intelligence ship, killing 34 and wounding 171. Israel claimed it was an accident, but declassified documents and survivor testimonies suggest it was a deliberate false-flag operation intended to draw America into war with Egypt.

During the Cold War Israel was also accused of selling classified US military technology to the Soviet Union in exchange for Jewish emigration rights. For Israel’s leaders betraying their closest ally was acceptable if it served their own survival and strategic goals.

After reading up to this point, one may ask why a country would behave like this. These are not the actions of a moral actor. Why does Israel place power above morality? Why is it willing to use blackmail, betrayal, and even the blood of its allies to preserve its power? I think I have come close to the answer.

When talking to Eastern Europeans, there is a certain familiarity in the faces and spirit of the people. In the west, in places like the Czech lands, you see softer features and a quiet, settled way of life. In the east, in Bulgaria and Ukraine, you find harder faces, a humility born of hard work.

The Zionist Jews who created Israel were different. I assure you, you will never meet a Polish person like Netanyahu. On paper they were Eastern Europeans, but spiritually they were detached from that soil. They looked Eastern European, yet they were treated as outsiders, humiliated and excluded. This bred envy and resentment. Then came the Holocaust. Entire communities were wiped from the map. Families incinerated in camps. Those who survived crawled out of the ashes with one burning thought: never again.

But this resolution did not just create a drive for safety. The resentment hardened into rage, a wish for vengeance, madness and lunacy, a thirst to kill anyone who stood in their way. When the moment came, they saw their chance and they took it. It did not matter what they had to do. They would build a state, and they would make it powerful enough that no one could ever harm them again. Terrorism, massacres, and deception were not aberrations. They were the chosen tools of a people who believed survival meant power.

Resentful of its past humiliation, determined to use its strength for its own benefit, and willing to destroy anything or anyone that stands in its way, it is not merely the psychology of a wounded nation but a mentality born in the darkest corners of the human mind, pure evil and will to power, a force of history made of pure darkness.

Taking into account this dark psychology, it is no surprise what Israel is willing to do. Another example of this nasty mentality is Israel’s Law of Return, which has unintentionally, or perhaps deliberately, created a loophole sheltering some of the world’s worst predators. Between 2014 and 2020, over 60 convicted or accused American pedophiles fled to Israel to escape U.S. justice.

The most infamous case is Jimmy Julius Karow, who fled Oregon in 1999 after being accused of sexually assaulting a 9‑year‑old girl. He entered Israel using the Law of Return, changed his name to Yosef Chaim Karow, and continued abusing children there. In 2002, an Israeli court convicted him of rapes, sodomy, and indecent acts involving a seven‑year‑old Israeli girl; yet it took nearly two decades for him to face justice on U.S. charges.

This is far from an isolated outlier. The Malka Leifer case involved a former Australian school principal who fled to Israel in 2008. She was wanted on 74 counts of child sexual abuse, but Israeli authorities stalled extradition proceedings for years—ostensibly due to mental health claims and legal tactics, until she was finally sent back to Australia in 2023.

Predators have effectively used Israel’s immigration and judicial system as a sanctuary, avoiding both investigations and prosecutions. When American journalists and advocacy groups exposed these loopholes, the response was tepid. Israeli authorities have implemented minor reforms, but many cases remain unresolved, and community networks continue to assist suspects. The question becomes stark: why?

Finally, the clearest example of Israel’s belief that existence trumps morality is its nuclear weapons program. While the world focused on Cold War superpowers, Israel quietly built a secret arsenal of hundreds of nuclear warheads. These weapons were not developed through innovation or cooperation but through theft. In the 1960s, Israeli agents stole nuclear materials from the United States, siphoning enriched uranium from the NUMEC plant in Pennsylvania. President John F. Kennedy opposed Israel’s nuclear ambitions, demanding inspections and transparency, but his assassination removed one of the last obstacles.

What emerged was a doctrine known as the Samson Option. Named after the biblical figure who brought down an entire temple on his enemies and himself, it is a threat to destroy the world if Israel’s existence is ever seriously threatened. In other words, if Israel cannot survive, no one else should either.

This is not speculation. Former Israeli officials have spoken openly about the Samson Option, and analysts believe Israel has submarine-launched nuclear weapons designed for second-strike capability. They do not care about blowing us all up. In their eyes, total annihilation is preferable to defeat. This is the ultimate expression of a mentality where survival is absolute and morality is irrelevant.

Israel is a weird country. It was created in illegitimacy by Zionist terrorists who bombed British soldiers and massacred Arab villagers. Its founders, mostly Eastern Europeans with no ancestral connection to the land, revived a dead language, invented a national identity, and built their state as atheists masked in the Bible and the name of God.

This is not a homeland but an imperial force. It has caused millions of deaths and openly dreams of expanding across five countries. America has spent over 150 billion dollars sustaining it, while AIPAC ensures Israel’s iron grip on Congress. Under its influence, the United States funded Osama bin Laden’s allies, the same men who brought down the Twin Towers, turning the world’s strongest superpower against itself. In Israel’s name, America destroyed secular regimes, ignited chaos across the Middle East, squandered trillions of dollars, sacrificed thousands of soldiers, and drove veterans to suicide while creating new enemies far deadlier than before.

Behind the façade of a Jewish homeland lies a state where survival trumps all morality. It blackmails, betrays, and manipulates with impunity. Mossad’s alleged use of Jeffrey Epstein to compromise American elites with child abuse footage is no aberration. It is strategy. The USS Liberty attack exposed a willingness to slaughter allies for gain. Even Israel’s Law of Return has become a sanctuary for convicted pedophiles fleeing justice.

This is a country whose leaders will not hesitate if the choice is between their defeat or a nuclear holocaust. Through the Samson Option, Israel holds the world hostage to its survival, threatening annihilation if it ever faces destruction.

Worst of all, Israel will never stop. It was forged in rage, and it will keep gathering power by any means necessary until no one on Earth can harm it again. Israel is willing to destroy anything and anyone in its path. It is not just dangerous. It is the embodiment of evil in our time.

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