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Next Spanish general election

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Next Spanish general election

 2023
No later than 22 August 2027

All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 209 (of 267) seats in the Senate
176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
 
Leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo Pedro Sánchez Santiago Abascal
Party PP PSOE Vox
Leader since 2 April 2022 18 June 2017 20 September 2014
Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Madrid
Last election 137 seats, 33.1% 121 seats, 31.7% 33 seats, 12.4%
Current seats 137 121 32
Seats needed Increase 39 Increase 55 Increase 143

 
Leader TBD Gabriel Rufián Míriam Nogueras
Party Un Paso al Frente[a] ERC Junts
Leader since 14 October 2019 12 March 2021
Leader's seat Barcelona Barcelona
Last election 26 seats (Sumar)[b] 7 seats, 1.9% 7 seats, 1.6%
Current seats 27 7 7
Seats needed Increase 149 n/a[c] n/a[d]

Constituencies for the Congress of Deputies

Incumbent Prime Minister

Pedro Sánchez
PSOE



A general election will be held in Spain no later than 22 August 2027[6] to elect the members of the 16th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies will be up for election, as well as 209 of 267 seats in the Senate.

Following the 2023 election, Pedro Sánchez was able to get re-elected as prime minister of Spain and form a third government—comprising the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law. Tensions with the opposition People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox dominated Sánchez's third term, as well as an unraveling international situation (with the ongoing war in Ukraine, the Gaza war, the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, and the 2026 Iran war and its economic impact), economic growth amid a rising cost of living (together with an affordable housing crisis), and a number of corruption probes affecting the government (mainly, the Koldo and Zapatero affairs). Also notable were the alleged mismanagements of a number of environmental disasters by PP-controlled administrations (particularly climate crisis-aggravated environmental disasters such as the 2024 Valencian floods and the 2025 and 2026 wildfires), sexual misconduct allegations affecting various parties and institutions, and increased scrutiny on the quality and condition of public services (particularly following the 2025 Iberian Peninsula blackout and the 2026 Adamuz and Gelida train accidents).

While Sánchez has admitted to having twice hesitated whether to resign—once in April 2024, amid a judicial probe into his wife; and then in July 2025, after his second-in-command in the party, Santos Cerdán, resigned over the Koldo affair—he has voiced his intention to run for a new term as prime minister in the next general election, which he has scheduled for 2027.

Background

[edit]

The 2023 general election saw Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his ruling coalition—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—re-elected with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law for those tried and convicted for events linked to the 2017–2018 Catalan crisis and the 2019 protests.[7][8] This deal sparked widespread protests, some of them violent in the days before Sánchez's investiture, seeing clashes near the PSOE's national headquarters in Madrid and the involvement of far-right groups.[9][10]

Sánchez's third term was marked by a booming economy and falling unemployment, but also by rising living costs and an affordable housing crisis.[11][12] During this period, a constitutional reform in 2024 introduced people-first language,[13] and a bipartisan agreement ended the five-year blockade of the judiciary council.[14] Political tensions with the People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox intensified, with the government accusing both of "lawfare", disinformation and harassment campaigns.[15][16] These tensions peaked in April 2024, when Sánchez briefly considered resigning after a controversial judicial investigation into his wife, Begoña Gómez, over alleged influence peddling and embezzlement accusations brought by the far-right-linked group Manos Limpias (Spanish for "Clean Hands").[17][18][19][20] The government also dealt with the 2025 Iberian Peninsula blackout,[21][22] repeated failures in Spain's rail network (especially following the 2026 Adamuz and Gelida train accidents),[23][24][25] and the 2026 MV Hondius hantavirus outbreak.[26][27]

Close-up photo of José Luis Ábalos
Close-up photo of Santos Cerdán
The Koldo affair, involving former Transport minister José Luis Ábalos (left) and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdán (right), became the focus of a corruption probe from 2024 onwards.

On the international stage, Sánchez's government dealt with continued EU support for Ukraine in its war against Russia,[28] the tariff policy of the second Trump administration,[29] and the country's role within NATO amid a debate over the five-percent defence spending hike.[30][31][32] Its strong criticism of the Gaza genocide led Spain to recognize Palestine and worsened relations with Israel,[33][34][35] sparking pro-Palestinian protests and calls to boycott Israeli participation in international competitions, such as the 2025 Vuelta a España,[36] and Spain's RTVE joining others' bid to withdraw from the Eurovision Song Contest 2026.[37] The 2026 Iran war saw Sánchez and U.S. President Donald Trump clash over the use of joint military bases at Rota and Morón,[38][39][40] reviving the "No to war" slogan previously used during the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[41][42] At the same time, the Spanish government sought to address the war's economic impact by approving a €5-billion relief package.[43]

Several political scandals affected the PSOE government during this period, including the Koldo affair (a kickback-for-contract scheme linked to former transport minister José Luis Ábalos and party official Santos Cerdán),[44][45] the Zapatero affair (involving the lobbying activity of the former prime minister),[46][47] and judicial probes into Sánchez's brother (for alleged cronyism)[48][49] and the Spanish Attorney General, Álvaro García Ortiz (for an alleged data leak).[50] Other probes into alleged irregularities in public procurement affected the SEPI holding company and ADIF (Spain's railway infrastructure manager), leading to arrests and police raids.[51][52] The PP was also hit by scandals, including several affecting the Madrilenian president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso (an investigation into her partner for alleged tax fraud, forgery and organized crime;[53] the controversial purchase of a luxury penthouse using public funds,[54] and unjustified travel expenses);[55][56] renewed attention on corruption cases during Rajoy's premiership such as the Montoro and Kitchen affairs (alleged cash-for-favours, influence peddling and deep state networks);[57][58] as well as a resume padding controversy.[59][60] Sexual misconduct allegations between 2024 and 2026 shook various parties and institutions and led to multiple resignations and dismissals, with the political backlash often compared to the MeToo movement.[61][62]

Satellite image of flooding in the Land of Valencia showing the Poyo avenue and the Turia river
The botched handling of the deadly 2024 floods led to the resignation of Valencian president Carlos Mazón in November 2025.

Relations between the PP and Vox remained ambivalent, as the two parties competed electorally while still depending on each other to govern.[63] The alleged mismanagement by PP-controlled administrations—including climate crisis-aggravated environmental disasters,[64][65] such as the 2024 Valencian floods (seeing Carlos Mazón's resignation as regional president)[66][67] and major wildfires in August 2025 and July 2026;[68][69] as well as public outrage over an Andalusian Health Service's mishandling of breast cancer screening[70]—was seen as contributing to Vox’s rise in opinion polls, helped by growing anti-political sentiment, denialism, conspiracist ideation and fake news.[71][72][73] These issues and immigration (with high points in the 2024 unaccompanied migrant minors' distribution dispute,[74] the 2025 Torre-Pacheco unrest,[75] the government's 2026 immigration amnesty,[76][77] and the 2026 Ceuta migrant crisis)[78] further pushed the PP closer to Vox's agenda,[79][80] with PP's Alberto Núñez Feijóo embracing Santiago Abascal's nativist "national priority" in exchange of support for regional pacts.[81][82][83] Concurrently, Vox purged several high-profile figures as it tried to broaden its appeal among working-class voters.[84][85]

Changes in the political landscape of Catalonia—with Salvador Illa's Socialists' Party taking over the regional government in 2024 and the rise of the far-right Catalan Alliance—saw Junts withdrawing its support from the Spanish government in October 2025,[86][87] but it remained uncommitted to support a no-confidence motion to oust Sánchez that would require the agreement of both PP and Vox.[88][89][90] Throughout late 2025 and early 2026, the PP tried to capitalize on discontent with Sánchez's government by calling early regional elections in Extremadura and Aragon (together with regularly-scheduled ones in Castile and León and Andalusia),[91][92] but this strategy backfired as the regional PP branches ended up relying even more on Vox to remain in power,[93][94] while seeing a rise for regionally-based left-wing parties (such as Chunta Aragonesista and Adelante Andalucía).[95][96] The political space to the PSOE's left fragmented amid Podemos's split from Sumar in December 2023,[97][98] and Yolanda Díaz's announcement in February 2026 to not run for re-election,[99] with attempts to reorganize it into a broad front of left-wing parties ahead of the general election still ongoing.[100][101]

Overview

[edit]

Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales are conceived as an imperfect bicameral system.[102][103] The Congress of Deputies holds greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to grant or withdraw confidence from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority.[104] Nonetheless, the Senate retains a limited number of specific functions—such as ratifying international treaties, authorizing cooperation agreements between autonomous communities, enforcing direct rule, regulating interterritorial compensation funds, and taking part in constitutional amendments and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which are not subject to override by Congress.[105]

Date

[edit]

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expires four years from the date of their previous election, unless they are dissolved earlier.[106] The election decree shall be issued no later than 25 days before the scheduled expiration date of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place 54 days after the decree's publication.[107] The previous election was held on 23 July 2023, which means that the chambers' terms will expire on 23 July 2027. The election decree must be published in the BOE no later than 29 June 2027, setting the latest possible date for election day on 22 August 2027.[6][108]

The prime minister has the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence is in process, no state of emergency is in force and that dissolution does not occur before one year after a previous one.[109] Additionally, both chambers are to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process fails to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot.[110] Barring this exception, there is no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate.[111] Still, as of 2026, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez repeatedly voiced his will for the next general election to be held when due in 2027,[112][113] particularly following corruption allegations in June 2025 that led to the resignation of his party's organization secretary, Santos Cerdán.[114][115] However, his government's political strategy, uncertainty over the General State Budget, as well as Sánchez having previously promised to exhaust legislative terms before ultimately calling snap elections—in 2019 and 2023—led to speculation that an early election could not be ruled out.[116][117] Uncertainty over Junts's support to Sánchez was commented as a possible trigger of a snap election,[118][119] while the outbreak of war in Iran fueled comments of a "Super Sunday" in June 2026, together with the regularly scheduled Andalusian election,[120][121] but this was rejected by then first deputy prime minister and PSOE's candidate in Andalusia, María Jesús Montero.[122] Following the Andalusian election, speculation emerged that the election would be held concurrently with the local and regional elections in May 2027,[123] but this was promptly rejected by Sánchez in June 2026,[124] who then hinted at the possibility of a general election in February or March 2027.[125]

Electoral system

[edit]

Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales is based on universal suffrage, comprising all Spanish nationals over 18 years of age with full political rights, provided that they have not been deprived of the right to vote by a final sentence.[126][127] The Congress of Deputies has a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with electoral provisions fixing its size at 350. Of these, 348 are elected in 50 multi-member constituencies corresponding to the provinces of Spain—each of which is assigned an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 distributed in proportion to population—using the D'Hondt method and closed-list proportional voting, with a three percent-threshold of valid votes (including blank ballots) in each constituency. The remaining two seats are allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts elected by plurality voting.[128] The use of this electoral method may result in a higher effective threshold depending on district magnitude and vote distribution.[129] As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency would be entitled the following seats (as of 11 December 2025):[e]

Seats Constituencies
38 Madrid(+1)
32 Barcelona
16 Valencia
12 Alicante, Seville
11 Málaga
10 Murcia
8 A Coruña, Balearic Islands, Biscay, Cádiz(–1), Las Palmas
7 Asturias, Granada, Pontevedra, Zaragoza, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
6 Almería, Córdoba, Gipuzkoa, Girona, Tarragona, Toledo
5 Badajoz, Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, Navarre, Valladolid
4 Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, La Rioja, León, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, Salamanca
3 Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel, Zamora
2 Soria

209 Senate seats are elected using open-list partial block voting: voters in constituencies electing four seats can choose up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, up to two; and in single-member districts, one. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces is allocated four seats, while in insular provinces—such as the Balearic and Canary Islands—the districts are the islands themselves, with the larger ones (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller ones (Menorca, Ibiza, Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each.[f] Ceuta and Melilla elect two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities may appoint at least one senator each and are entitled to one additional seat per million inhabitants.[133][134] The law does not provide for by-elections to fill vacant seats; instead, any vacancies arising after the proclamation of candidates and during the legislative term are filled by the next candidates on the party lists or, when required, by designated substitutes.[135]

Current parliament

[edit]

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the present time.[136][137]

Candidates

[edit]

Nomination rules

[edit]

Spanish citizens with the right to vote may run for election, provided that they have not been criminally imprisoned by a final sentence or convicted—whether final or not—of offences that involve loss of eligibility or disqualification from public office (such as rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state). Additional causes of ineligibility apply to the following officials:[144]

Other ineligibility provisions also apply to a number of territorial officials in these categories within their areas of jurisdiction, as well as to employees of foreign states and members of regional governments.[144]

Incompatibility rules include those of ineligibility, and also bar running in multiple constituencies or lists, holding office if the candidacy is later declared illegal (by a final ruling), and combining legislative roles (deputy, senator, and regional lawmaker) with each other or with:[145]

Parties and lists

[edit]

The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance are required to inform the relevant electoral commission within 10 days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list. Concurrently, parties, federations or alliances that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies.[146] Amendments in 2024 required a balanced composition of men and women in the electoral lists through the use of a zipper system.[147]

A special, simplified process is provided for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, electoral campaigning, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediately previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and alliances without needing to go through pre-election procedures again.[148]

Below is a list of the main parties and alliances which will likely contest the election:

Candidacy Parties and
alliances
Leading candidate Ideology Previous result Gov. Ref.
Congress Senate
Vote % Seats Vote % Seats
PP
List
Alberto Núñez Feijóo Conservatism
Christian democracy
33.1% 137 34.5% 120 No [149]
PSOE Pedro Sánchez Social democracy 31.7% 121 32.2% 72 Yes [150]
[151]
Vox
List
Santiago Abascal Right-wing populism
Ultranationalism
National conservatism
12.4% 33 10.6% 0 No [152]
Un Paso
al Frente
[a]
List
TBD Progressivism
Green politics
Democratic socialism

12.3%
[b]
31
11.1%
[b]
0 Yes [99]
[153]
[154]
PodemosAV
List
Irene Montero Left-wing populism
Democratic socialism
No [155]
[156]
ERC Gabriel Rufián Catalan independence
Left-wing nationalism
Social democracy
1.9% 7 Contested
in alliance
[l]
No
Junts Míriam Nogueras Catalan independence
Populism
1.6% 7 1.8% 1 No
EH Bildu
List
Mertxe Aizpurua Basque independence
Abertzale left
Socialism
1.4% 6 Contested
in alliance
[l]
No
EAJ/PNV
List
Maribel Vaquero Basque nationalism
Christian democracy
1.1% 5 1.3% 4 No [157]
BNG Néstor Rego Galician nationalism
Left-wing nationalism
Socialism
0.6% 1 0.8% 0 No
CCa
List
Cristina Valido Regionalism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
0.5% 1 0.3% 0 No
UPN Alberto Catalán Regionalism
Conservatism
Christian democracy
0.2% 1 0.3% 1 No
ERC–
EH Bildu
Mirella Cortès Left-wing nationalism Did not contest 4.2% 7 No
EFS Juanjo Ferrer Progressivism Did not contest 0.0% 1 No
ASG Fabián Chinea Insularism
Social democracy
Did not contest 0.0% 1 No
AHI Javier Armas Insularism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
Did not contest 0.0% 1 No

The reorganization of the political space to the left of the PSOE—which split in December 2023 following Podemos's breakup[155]—was commented as a key element in securing any prospective re-election of Sánchez's government.[158] The component parties of the Sumar alliance looked for a recomposition of the platform under a new brand,[159][160] with second deputy prime minister and labour minister, Yolanda Díaz, stepping aside as the leading candidate for the next general election.[99] Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC)'s spokesperson in Congress, Gabriel Rufián, proposed a broad front of left-wing parties (either directly or through coordination) that also included peripheral nationalists such as ERC, EH Bildu and the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG).[161] The PSOE and Sumar were also commented as probing a prospective electoral alliance or cooperation agreement in over 30 of the smaller constituencies—mostly comprising those electing between three and five seats—where the latter's votes would not translate into seats but in which the former could compete for an additional seat with the PP or Vox.[162]

The 2024 European Parliament election in Spain saw the electoral breakthrough of social media personality Luis "Alvise" Pérez who, running on a right-wing populist platform with his Se Acabó La Fiesta party (Spanish for "The Party is Over", SALF), secured 4.6% of the share.[163] Alvise announced in July 2024 that he was considering to run in the next general election,[164] but his public standing was damaged by an internal party crisis—which saw the defection of SALF's two other MEPs, amid accusations of bullying and blackmail[165][166]—and several legal cases against him, including allegations of illegal financing, data leakage and harassment, which are the subject of ongoing investigations by the Supreme Court.[167][168][169] On 12 October 2025, Alvise formally launched his candidacy to the next general election at the Palacio Vistalegre arena.[170][171] By 2026, SALF was reportedly recruiting a number of former Vox members into their candidacies in several regions.[172]

Opinion polls

[edit]
Local regression trend line of poll results from 23 July 2023 to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Notes

[edit]
  1. 1 2 While the proposed alliance does not yet have an official name, the slogan of its launching event, Un Paso al Frente, has been used by various media to unofficially and provisionally refer to it.[1][2][3][4]
  2. 1 2 3 Within the Sumar alliance in the 2023 election: SMR (10 seats), IU (5 seats), CatComú (5 seats), Podemos (5 seats), MM/MP (2 seats), Compromís (2 seats), CHA (1 seat) and Més (1 seat).[5]
  3. ERC does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  4. Junts does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  5. This seat allocation has been manually calculated by applying the electoral rules set out in the law, on the basis of the latest official population figures provided by the Spanish government as of 2026. As such, it should be deemed as a provisional, non-binding estimation. The definitive allocation will be determined by the election decree at the time of the parliament's dissolution.[130]
  6. A constitutional reform was enacted on 20 May 2026 to award Formentera an independent senator separate from Ibiza.[131][132]
  7. 1 2 Part of the Compromís alliance.
  8. Javier Ortega Smith, former Vox legislator.[139][140]
  9. 1 2 The PSOE/PSC "lent" senators to other parties to allow them to maintain parliamentary groups.[142]
  10. José Ignacio Landaluce, former PP legislator.[143]
  11. These comprise the Constitutional Court, the General Council of the Judiciary, the Supreme Court, the Council of State, the Court of Auditors and the Economic and Social Council.
  12. 1 2 ERC and EH Bildu joined the Left for Independence alliance ahead of the 2023 Senate election.
  13. 1 2 3 In Ibiza and Formentera.

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[edit]
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Bibliography

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Legislation

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