Linguistic Capital in Context: An Autoethnographic Approach to Regional Language Learning in Valencia

Research on second-language (L2) acquisition, particularly within generative and cognitively oriented traditions influenced by Chomskyan models of Universal Grammar (UG), has often prioritised the acquisition of secondary grammatical systems over the social and ideological dimensions of language learning. In this framework, UG is conceptualised as deriving from an internal, innate grammatical system. Although Chomsky’s notion of linguistic competence has been foundational to generative approaches to language acquisition [1], it assumes a socially and politically neutral linguistic environment, thereby overlooking how engagement

with linguistic ideologies shapes learners’ integration into linguistic communities.

This article adopts an autoethnographic approach, understood as the analysis of personal experience to highlight broader cultural systems [2]. Autoethnography does not centre the self for its own sake, but mobilises lived experience as an analytical lens on cultural and social structures [3]. By drawing on my own experience as a placement student in Valencia, I argue that linguistic competence alone is insufficient: successful integration requires awareness and engagement with linguistic capital and ideological environments. In Valencia, where valencià1 and Castilian Spanish coexist, everyday interactions reveal how speakers position themselves and others within competing linguistic hierarchies. These patterns shape not only who is considered a legitimate and proficient speaker, but also how learners can integrate socially into speaker communities. Standard L2 learning frameworks that prioritise grammatical competence rarely account for these social dynamics, overlooking the ways in which language use and ideology influence learners’ access to linguistic capital and broader understanding of symbolic power.

Linguistic ideology and context

Sociolinguistic research demonstrates that linguistic forms carry social meanings shaped by the ideological and political space in which they operate. These frameworks influence how language is perceived by constructing a notion of ‘correctness’, a concept theorised in Bourdieu’s 1991) work on symbolic power and linguistic legitimacy [4].

A Bourdieusian2 perspective reveals how linguistic hierarchies emerge through the social recognition of ‘legitimate’ varieties. Within the linguistic market, varieties acquire value only when social institutions normalise and reward their use. In Spain, the Francoist language policy (1937-1975) institutionalised Castilian Spanish as the sole legitimate variety, relegating regional languages such as valencià to the domains of identity and community rather than institutional authority. Although valencià and Castilian Spanish are now regarded as distinct languages, their historical distribution reflects a diglossic situation in which Castilian retains high symbolic value [5], while valencià, historically marginalised, continues to be assigned lower status in the current linguistic hierarchies.

The Valencian community is one of Spain’s most politically and linguistically rich communities. Whilst previous research has largely addressed how sociopolitical power structures shape the ideological positioning of regional languages, there has been comparatively little attention to how L2 learners navigate these dynamics. Even fewer studies have examined valencià specifically, despite its centrality to Spain’s regional identity. Discourse surrounding valencià reflects the ideological boundaries between ‘legitimate’ and ‘peripheral’ forms of language, and the historical suppression continues to shape contemporary attitudes towards legitimacy, authority, and belonging in Valencian linguistic practices.

Autoethnographic reflection

Upon arrival in Valencia, academic understanding of its linguistic landscape quickly proved insufficient; the visibility of valencià revealed how deeply language shapes everyday life. Street signs, administrative notices, and public announcements were often in valencià, positioning it as a visible institutional presence rather than a hidden variety. Cafes and shops served as communal spaces in which valencià circulated naturally, while reliance on Castilian Spanish increasingly appeared misaligned in these contexts.

This shift from observation to active engagement renders Bourdieu’s notion of habitus observable in everyday interaction, as social structures become legible through participation within the linguistic market. Observing the linguistic landscape highlights both its informational and symbolic functions, as described by Landry and Bourhis. The placement and visibility of valencià convey not only the languages in use but also their value and status in a public place [6].

Initially, I approached valencià as an object of observation rather than a linguistic practice, as Castilian felt like a ‘safer’ choice. However, this hesitation reflects the broader linguistic market in which Castilian maintains institutional authority, framing valencià as locally bounded. Yet, attempts to use valencià were often met with encouragement and patience, facilitating inclusion within the local linguistic community that contrasts with the exchanges conducted exclusively in Castilian. These dynamics align with Shohamy’s (2006) framework on language in public space, illustrating how linguistic visibility and positioning shape perceptions of legitimacy and belonging [7].

Encounters in which I defaulted to Castilian often reinforced my position as an outsider - while communication remained effective, it often limited access to informal networks. Valencià thus emerged as a symbolic capital: a resource to access inclusion and belonging. Learning a language became something more than mastering grammar and vocabulary; it was understanding who was being addressed, and why one variety mattered more than another in certain contexts, reflecting how linguistic choices facilitate access to social networks.

In multilingual regions, improving Spanish extended to gaining an awareness of linguistic ideologies. Engagement with valencià revealed that developing proficiency involves navigating symbolic hierarchies and access to social inclusion, showing that L2 learning in multilingual settings extends beyond language forms to acknowledge and address social and ideological structures in communities where it occurs. Such engagement with regional varieties directly confronts the preconceived notion of linguistic legitimacy. As Horner & Webber explain, traditionally the standard variety (in this case Castilian) has been favoured in the teaching of an L2 language [8]. Exposure to regional forms of language within language learning informs and shapes how they navigate cultural identity. Maintaining the visibility of valencià in public spaces - through signage, media, and institutional use - supports inguistic pride and reinforces identification within the language, which can prevent learners from defaulting to standardised varieties [9]. Language learning, thus, transcends linguistic participation; it becomes ideological, deconstructing the persistence of linguistic hierarchies in education. To ignore the symbolic power of regional languages such as valencià actively reinforces linguistic hierarchies by positioning state-sanctioned varieties as insufficient, becoming an act of linguistic ignorance.

Footnotes

[1] I employ the term valencià here as used within the language community itself. As a learner of Spanish, it is important to acknowledge my initial tendency to default to the Castilian valenciano, reflecting the broader influence of dominant linguistic frameworks on perceptions of regional language identity, as explored in this article.

[2] I use Bourdieusian here, rather than Bordieuian, as it remains the more widely established adjectival form associated with Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical framework.

References

[1] Chomsky, N. (1965). Aspects of the theory of syntax (50th ed.). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt17kk81z

[2] Ellis, C. (2004). The ethnographic I: A methodological novel about autoethnography. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.

[3] Chang, H. (2008). Autoethnography as method. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

[4] Bourdieu, P., Thompson, J. B., & Raymond, G. (1991). Language and symbolic power. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.

[5] Towler, M. A. (2025). Arabic language tutors’ beliefs on including regional varieties in undergraduate degree courses in England. Linguistics and Education, 87, 101427. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.linged.2025.101427

[6] Landry, R., & Bourhis, R. Y. (1997). Linguistic landscape and ethnolinguistic vitality: An empirical study. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 16(1), 23–49. https://doi.org/10.1177/0261927X970161002

[7] Shohamy, E. (2006). Language policy: Hidden agendas and new approaches. London, UK: Routledge.

[8] Horner, K., & Weber, J. J. (2017). Introducing multilingualism: A social approach. London, UK: Taylor & Francis Group.

[9] Rueda, Ò. (2018). The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages of the Council of Europe and the Valencian language: The point of view of the discriminated Valencian speakers. [Report]. Council of Europe.