The following was generated by Perplexity AI, but it is well worth reading. It addresses the AIDS activists’ attempts to censor advertisements for the Truvada lawsuits, effectively preventing patients from learning that they were eligible for compensation for the adverse events they experienced due to Truvada’s toxicity to the kidneys and bones.
When lawyers began seeking people who may have been injured by Gilead’s TDF-based HIV drugs—including Truvada, Viread, Atripla, Stribild, and Complera—major HIV and LGBTQ advocacy organizations did not merely criticize the ads’ wording. They organized to make the ads disappear.
More than 50 HIV/AIDS, LGBTQ, and public-health organizations signed an open letter urging Facebook and Instagram to remove the litigation advertisements. Their argument was that the ads could dissuade people at risk of HIV from using PrEP. Facebook subsequently disabled some ads after an independent fact-checking process found particular advertisements misleading.
That history must be stated plainly: whatever the advocates’ stated intentions, their campaign had the practical effect of restricting one of the principal ways patients might learn that their kidney disease, bone loss, fractures, tooth loss, or other serious health problems could merit medical and legal investigation.
This was outreach—not an abstraction
The lawsuit ads were designed to find people who had used TDF-based drugs and believed they had suffered serious harm. In a mass-tort case, that kind of outreach matters. Potential claimants are scattered across the country; many have no idea that they are not alone; many may never have been told that their injuries could be linked to a medication they took for years.
Yet the advocates’ requested remedy was not merely a correction, disclaimer, or requirement that the advertisements identify disputed claims accurately. They asked the platforms to treat these legal solicitations much like health misinformation and remove them. Their letter urged Facebook and Instagram to take down the ads and to prevent similar advertisements from appearing.
This was an effort to cut off contact between lawyers and possible clients.
The activists may have believed they were preventing HIV infections. The research they pointed to found that the ads reached a wide audience and that some surveyed people said the advertising affected decisions about beginning or continuing Truvada-based PrEP. But that is an argument for accurate risk communication and careful clinical counsel—not for treating people seeking information about alleged injury as a public-health threat.
What patients may have lost
For a person who had developed renal impairment after years on Truvada, an advertisement could be more than a solicitation. It could be the first clue that their experience deserved examination.
For a person coping with osteoporosis, fractures, avascular necrosis, or tooth loss, it could be the first indication that similar stories existed. It could be the first opportunity to obtain records, speak with an independent lawyer, request an expert review, or learn whether litigation might uncover documents that patients and clinicians never saw.
The legal claims concern allegations that Gilead knew of TDF’s renal and bone risks and delayed a newer TAF-based formulation that plaintiffs say was less toxic in these respects. Gilead has disputed wrongdoing, and the existence of a lawsuit does not prove causation in an individual patient’s case. But that is precisely why potential patients need information, independent advice, and access to legal process—not suppression of the channels through which they might discover their rights.
The human evidence
Rebecca Culshaw Smith drew attention to individual plaintiffs whose allegations are rarely visible in the broader press coverage.
Kenneth Calhoun alleged that after taking Atripla and/or Truvada beginning in 2006, he developed avascular necrosis and tooth loss associated with a bone-density disorder.
Artis Crandell alleged that years of Truvada use preceded chronic kidney disease and tooth loss associated with bone-density problems.
Thomas Henderson alleged that after taking Atripla and/or Truvada, he developed chronic kidney disease and fractures associated with bone-density disorder.
Michael Scarlett alleged that use of Viread and/or Truvada preceded osteoporosis, avascular necrosis, fractures, and tooth loss.
Tyreese Buchanan, profiled by ABC 10News, described severe hip pain, kidney failure, and tooth loss; he said his pain made walking extremely difficult and that he seldom left home.
These are allegations, not adjudicated findings. But the proper response to allegations of this gravity is not to make it harder for similarly situated people to find counsel.
The press mostly looked away
The press covered the political fight over the advertisements: the danger of fear, the prospect that PrEP uptake might decline, the activism directed at Meta, and Facebook’s decision to remove some ads. It covered the campaign to stop the lawyers’ outreach far more readily than it investigated the lives of the people whom the lawyers were trying to reach.
Rebecca Culshaw Smith did something different. In “Truth cannot be disinformation” and “Another Truvada lawsuit filed,” she centered the injuries alleged by patients, identified plaintiffs by name, and highlighted Buchanan’s account. Her work pressed a question that much mainstream coverage avoided: why should a person seeking to learn whether a drug caused grave harm be portrayed as a problem to be managed rather than a patient to be heard?
One can disagree with Culshaw Smith’s wider conclusions about HIV medicine and still recognize the value of that reporting. She directed attention toward the people whose stories had been submerged beneath a dispute about public messaging.
Activism’s reversed moral compass
The moral irony is difficult to miss. AIDS activism historically insisted that patients had a right to information, access, participation, and protection from pharmaceutical and governmental indifference. It rejected the idea that officials or companies could decide which risks patients were permitted to know about.
But when people with alleged TDF injuries needed to be located, some modern activists helped frame the process of finding them as dangerous “misinformation.” In so doing, they risked substituting confidence-management for patient advocacy.
A movement committed to informed consent should have demanded three things:
That legal ads describe risks and allegations accurately, without exaggeration.
That patients be encouraged to consult qualified clinicians about the benefits and risks of PrEP or HIV treatment—not simply stop medication in response to advertising.
That people who believe they were harmed retain every reasonable avenue to learn about their legal rights and reach independent counsel.
Those goals are compatible. What is incompatible with genuine patient advocacy is demanding that potentially injured patients remain difficult to find.
The public should be able to discuss PrEP’s benefits without denying TDF’s documented safety concerns. It should be able to insist on responsible advertising without helping a powerful drug manufacturer remain insulated from claimants. And it should be able to defend prevention without treating injured people as collateral damage to the prevention narrative.

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