100 Days of Peter Magyar: Hungary Starts to See a Future

Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar's first 100 days in office have brought a striking change in the political mood in Budapest, according to German public broadcaster ARD. After Viktor Orban's re-election four years ago, Hungary was marked by what German political scientist Ellen Boss described as an almost depressive atmosphere. Today, she says, the mood is markedly different.

"There are many changes and it just feels like people see a future," Boss, who has lived in Hungary for more than two decades, told ARD. She said an extraordinary amount of change had taken place in a relatively short period.

The Hungarian parliament has spent much of the summer working at an intense pace as the new government moves to fulfill its campaign promises. Magyar pledged to restore the rule of law, strengthen the separation of powers and revive pluralistic democracy. Another central promise was to bring Hungary back toward Europe after years of increasingly strained relations under Orban.

Some of those commitments have already translated into concrete measures. Hungary's decision to join the European Public Prosecutor's Office, together with new anti-corruption measures, has helped unblock frozen European Union funds and created the basis for a different relationship with the EU.

The government has also introduced a limit on prime ministerial mandates, a measure intended to prevent Orban from returning to the position. Changes have begun in the judiciary as well, including new appointments to the Constitutional Court aimed at reducing the influence that the Fidesz party had built up over the courts.

Another significant change was the removal of officials associated with the previous government. President Tamas Sujok, appointed under Orban, was replaced by Andras Baca as head of state. Together with the judicial reforms, the personnel changes are intended to remove institutional obstacles that could otherwise make it harder for Magyar's government to govern effectively, despite its two-thirds parliamentary majority.

Yet the new government faces an extensive list of unresolved problems. Peter Techet of the Danube Region and Central Europe Institute said Magyar must tackle what he described as the “quite hopeless state of the economy, social services, education, hospitals, etc.”

The government also faces the challenge of dismantling the network of institutions and foundations through which Fidesz allegedly redirected state funds through opaque channels. A special office has been established to seek the return of assets that were illegally acquired.

Hungary's public broadcasting system is also being reshaped. Public radio and television have received a new legal framework, while television channels are expected to resume news broadcasts within days. News programming had been temporarily suspended after the elections following years in which the media had been used to disseminate what critics described as false information and government propaganda under Orban.

A further major task awaits this autumn, when work is expected to begin on a new constitution. The existing basic law was adopted by Fidesz in 2011 after being pushed through parliament within a matter of days. Replacing or substantially rewriting it would therefore represent one of the most significant institutional changes undertaken by the new government.

For political scientist Boss, this process will be a crucial test of Magyar's government.

"For me, it is really crucial what happens next. If he continues in Orban's footsteps, it will become problematic," she said.

The government can influence the institutional legacy of the previous administration, but it has less direct control over efforts to investigate or prosecute alleged wrongdoing from Orban's long rule. According to ARD, several of Orban's long-standing associates have left Hungary in recent months, taking with them funds that the new authorities say were embezzled.

At the same time, Magyar has established an unusually direct and intensive communication style, relying heavily on Facebook to explain his government's activities and attack his predecessor's political legacy.

During his first 100 days, from May 9 to August 16, Magyar published 545 posts on Facebook, according to an analysis of his complete public activity during the period. That amounts to an average of 5.5 posts every day, with an average of four hours and 23 minutes between publications.

Not a single day during the 100-day period passed without a post. The most active day was August 11, when parliament elected the country's president, with Magyar publishing 11 messages.

The frequency of his posts increased as his first 100 days progressed. During the first 25 days, he averaged 5.4 posts per day, compared with 6.1 per day during the final 25 days. However, the increase in output did not translate into stronger audience engagement. Interactions fell by 45% when the first and last 30-day periods were compared, while the average number of shares dropped from 5,276 to 3,130.

The most popular post of the period was not about a government decision. A photograph of Magyar's three sons, published on May 10, attracted 388,240 likes. The second most popular post called on users to support an immediate resignation of President Tamas Sujok and received 386,984 likes.

A seemingly ordinary post about Magyar's garden also attracted substantial attention. The five-word message, “The pride of my garden. Have a nice Sunday!” generated 243,284 likes and 18,099 comments.

The data also shows what subjects dominate Magyar's online communication. His most frequent topic is not the government's day-to-day work but attacks on Fidesz and the previous administration.

A total of 150 posts referred to Fidesz, Viktor Orban, corruption, alleged abuses or propaganda. Fidesz was specifically mentioned in 90 posts, while Orban was named in 63. Corruption and property were addressed in 98 posts, the economy in 85, the Paks nuclear power plant and energy supply in 70, and foreign policy in 65.

Education appeared in 28 posts and health care in 25.

By comparison, only three posts concerned specific government appointments or dismissals. Six dealt with government decrees or bills, while another six concerned official meetings and receptions.

That imbalance has fueled criticism that the Tisza government is attempting to govern through Facebook. Magyar rejects that characterization, arguing that communicating directly with citizens and publicly explaining decisions does not mean the government is failing to carry out its work away from social media.

The format of the posts also has a major impact on their reach. Short videos were by far the strongest performers. The 173 short videos published during the period averaged 90,323 likes and 6,584 shares.

Text-only posts performed less strongly, with an average of 73,323 likes and 2,987 shares. Long, unedited videos were the weakest format, averaging only 18,657 likes. The four posts with the lowest engagement during the entire period were recordings of parliamentary speeches or responses.

Videos targeting the previous government were particularly successful. Eight posts documenting nighttime inspections at two ministries generated approximately 111,000 shares in total.

Posts concerning actual government decisions could also attract large audiences. A May 11 message containing immediate instructions for acting ministers received 178,500 likes, while a post about Karmila's departure received 182,581.

The government's handling of the Paks nuclear power plant has provided another example of Magyar's use of Facebook as an instrument of what his administration calls public governance.

Between July 28 and August 16, Magyar published 122 posts connected with government decisions, turbine operations and the level of the Danube. The unusually high volume coincided with a period of concern over the operation of the nuclear plant and water availability.

More broadly, the government's communication strategy has increasingly combined formal announcements with direct explanations from the prime minister. Since June, official messages about cabinet decisions have often appeared alongside Magyar's own posts and statements at press conferences, including on European Union funds, energy policy and state assets.

The first 100 days therefore reveal two sides of Magyar's approach. On the institutional front, his government has moved quickly to reverse or dismantle elements of the system established during Orban's long tenure, promising changes to the judiciary, public broadcasting, anti-corruption mechanisms and eventually the constitution.

On the communications front, Magyar has made Facebook an almost continuous channel between the government and the public. But the figures suggest that more frequent communication does not necessarily maintain public attention. During the final 25 days of the period, Magyar published 17 more posts than during the first 25 days, yet those later posts accumulated six million fewer likes.

For now, the political mood described by observers appears considerably more optimistic than it was after Orban's last election victory. But the next phase will test whether the government's rapid institutional changes can translate into improvements in the economy, public services and the rule of law, and whether Magyar can avoid reproducing the political practices he pledged to replace.