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Hungarian Observer · Aug 21, 2026

Péter Magyar Marks 100 Days in Office with a New President, a National Holiday, and Rumours of Internal Discontent

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HungarianObserver, Ábel Bede · Hungarian Observer

This Monday marked 100 days since Péter Magyar was sworn in as Prime Minister amidst great spectacle. Tisza used the 100 days to ‘defideszify’ the country, with changes at Hungary’s public broadcaster, the top court, and the Presidency.

Changing the president was the final piece in the post-Orbán jigsaw. The remaining Orbán appointees in the various offices of state are weightless and will likely cause no significant problems in daily politics. Finding the new president was not without problems, however. Péter Magyar made his first political misjudgement since becoming prime minister, and arguably the first meaningful one since entering politics in 2024. It was an unforced error, too.

Despite indicating there would be public consultation regarding who the new president would be, Magyar quickly named Tisza’s candidate as Judit Polgár, drawing significant backlash and resulting in Polgár declining the candidacy. Tisza then had to find a new candidate, with Magyar posting pictures with prominent individuals who had been rumoured for the presidency - all respected, if slightly boring old men; the judge András Baka, the historian Ignác Romsics, and the lawyer Botond Fülöp. Tisza’s parliamentary faction decided on Baka via a secret ballot.

Baka will no doubt be a competent president whose past comments suggest will not be uncritical of Tisza’s legislative agenda. His appointment as president after his 2011 removal from the top of Hungary’s highest court by Viktor Orbán also offers a symbolic closure and a return to democracy.

Nevertheless, the elephant in the room regarding his appointment is that, just like in the case of Polgár, there was, yet again, no public consultation about the position (likes and comments below the picture Magyar posted of him after talks would surely not be considered as such), despite promises. The whole presidential process also proved that Magyar is not invincible and that his honeymoon period is over - though as Tisza still has no credible challenger in the political arena, the end of the honeymoon period has no significant implications. It has also shown, rather refreshingly, that despite Tisza’s undeniable popularity, their voters do not trust them without reservations. Shortly after the Polgár uproar, Tisza lost a few percentage points - outside the margin of error - from their popularity. This, of course, due to the aforementioned lack of competition, has little to no implication, but is somewhat reassuring for the future.

Yesterday, Tisza also had the chance to make its first cultural/visual statement about its vision of the nation due to the 20 August National Holiday. This year’s celebrations were funded from a reduced budget and consisted of a significantly smaller-scale fireworks celebration, a laser and drone show, as well as techno-celebrations, and an open tour of Karmelita (formerly Orbán’s prime ministerial office). The celebrations showcased Tisza’s more hip, young-person-friendly communitarian nationalism, as well as its conscious fiscal discipline and a critique of Fidesz’s grandeur and excess. A comprehensive statement about Tisza’s vision for Hungary will no doubt come at the 23 October celebrations later this year.

But yesterday was not only about celebrations and symbols. Tisza also held its meeting of the Tisza Islands, the party’s local affiliated grassroots organisations who played a key role in the party’s victory at the general election.

While the meeting was a good opportunity for the party to gather grassroots feedback about its first months in power, the day did not pass without tensions. Several media reports indicate that there is growing discontent among the Islands. The Islands argue that they’ve been neglected post-election, their voice is no longer being listened to, and that the party has not opened up enough feedback channels for those closest to Hungarian society.

Tisza’s leadership counters, however, that the Islands were mostly taking a well-deserved rest after the election and they will have an important role to play in the drafting of Hungary’s new constitution. However, rather tellingly, they also added that they are happy to receive criticism given that there is plenty of space for democratic discourse and feedback in the new Hungary.

Seemingly as a response to the tensions, Magyar himself addressed the Tisza Islands. He complimented them on achieving something “that has never happened before in Hungary”, but warned them that just because they played a crucial role in the election victory, it does not automatically mean they would get political positions. “I don’t want someone to get a job at a ministry just because they are a Tisza Island member” - he said.

How Magyar’s respectful but somewhat confrontative statements were received is unknown. The event was largely held behind closed doors to allow for differences between the Islands and the leadership to be aired out freely. The Islands have every right to demand a voice at the table. Magyar may have been the face of the revolution, but the Islands were its legs. The surfer should not forget that he reached the shore on the back of the waves.

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