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Siege of Damascus (1148)

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Siege of Damascus
Part of the Second Crusade

Siege of Damascus, miniature by Jean Colombe from Sébastien Mamerot's book "Passages d'outremer" (1474)
Date24–28 July 1148
Location
Damascus
33°30′23″N 36°18′55″E / 33.5065°N 36.3154°E / 33.5065; 36.3154
Result

Muslim victory

  • Crusader withdrawal due to poor logistics and dispute over the city's fate
Belligerents

Crusaders:

Muslim forces:

Supported by:

Commanders and leaders
Baldwin III
Everard des Barres
Raymond du Puy
Conrad III
Frederick of Swabia
Louis VII
Thierry, Count of Flanders

Mu'in ad-Din Unur Supported by:

Saif ad-Din Ghazi I
Nur ad-Din Zangi
Strength
50,000 troops[1] Unknown
Casualties and losses
Heavy Unknown

The siege of Damascus took place between 24 and 28 July 1148, during the Second Crusade. It ended in a crusader defeat and led to the disintegration of the crusade. The two main Christian forces that marched to the Holy Land in response to Pope Eugene III and Bernard of Clairvaux's call for the Second Crusade were led by Kings Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany. Both faced disastrous marches across Anatolia in the months that followed, with most of their armies being destroyed. The original focus of the crusade was Edessa (Urfa), but in Jerusalem, the preferred target of King Baldwin III and the Knights Templar was Damascus. At the Council of Acre, magnates from France, Germany, and the Kingdom of Jerusalem decided to divert the crusade to Damascus.

The crusaders decided to attack Damascus from the west, where orchards of Ghouta would provide them with a constant food supply. Having arrived outside the walls of the city, they immediately put it to siege, using wood from the orchards. On 27 July, the crusaders decided to move to the plain on the eastern side of the city, which was less heavily fortified but had much less food and water. Afterwards, the local crusader lords refused to carry on with the siege, and the three kings had no choice but to abandon the city. The entire crusader army retreated back to Jerusalem by 28 July.

Background

[edit]

The first hostile act between the Crusaders and the Burid rulers of Damascus was in form of raids in 1125, followed by the Battle of Marj al-Saffar in 1126, when the Crusaders defeated the Muslim army in the field but failed in their objective to capture Damascus.[2] In 1129, they attacked Damascus again, when they camped near the Wooden Bridge (Jisr al-Khashab) at Dārayyā southwest of the city, but their siege of the city was unsuccessful after their foraging expedition south into the Hauran was defeated and they were unable to advance due to a sudden thunderstorm and ensuing fog.[3] According to Michael the Syrian, who may have relied on the lost contemporary chronicle of Basil bar Shumna, Damascus paid 20,000 dinars and offered annual tribute in return for the crusaders' withdrawal.[4]

In early 1138, the new ruler of Damascus, Mu'in ad-Din Unur, offered to ally with the Kingdom of Jerusalem against ambitious Turkic leader Imad al-Din Zengi, their common foe, but the proposal was turned down.[5] After Zengi laid siege to Damascus in March 1140, Unur asked Fulk to assist again, offering to give him the city of Banias as well as monthly tribute. Fulk accepted, and in April 1140 forced Zengi to abandon the siege.[6] A grateful Unur then visited Fulk's court in Jerusalem, where he was warmly welcomed.[7]

In the spring of 1147,[8] Altuntash, the emir of Bosra and Salkhad, fell out with Mu'in ad-Din Unur with Unur, to whom he owed allegiance.[9] He offered these cities to Baldwin III, King of Jerusalem, and in return either asked for a huge payment or requested that he be set up as ruler over them (owing due allegiance to Jerusalem).[8][9] Altuntash controlled the Hauran, an agricultural area which provided most of the food to the city of Damascus.[10] Seizing the Hauran would pose a major threat to Muslim rule there,[10] and the largely Melkite Christian population of the region would support a crusader invasion.[9] A council of leading nobility in the Kingdom of Jerusalem agreed to accept the offer,[9] even though it was "politically foolish"[10] and would destroy the alliance between Damascus and Jerusalem.[9]

The treaty with Damascus was vitally important, for Damascus protected the northern flank of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.[10] The kingdom sent an embassy to Unur, who promised to pay all of Baldwin's expenses in raising the army which was about to leave for the Hauran.[10] Baldwin agreed that violating the treaty was a bad idea,[9] but he faced a popular uprising from the populace, who needed to pillage the Hauran in order to recoup the expenses of meeting the king's levy.[10] Baldwin III marched with his army to capture Bosra. Unur called for and received assistance from Aleppo. The wife of Altuntash, still loyal to Unur, opened the gates of Bosra to a Damascene garrison, thwarting a takeover. Baldwin was forced to retreat without giving battle, and the withdrawal was made with extensive casualities under unrelenting attacks by Turkish light cavalry.[11]

Baldwin's attack on Bosra ended the entente between Jerusalem and Damascus.[12][13] Mu'in ad-Din Unur now sought to secure an alliance with Nur al-Din Zengi. He took the first step by having his daughter, Ismat ad-Din Khatun, marry Zengi in 1147.[14]

Second Crusade

[edit]
Crusaders intended for Edessa, seen here on the right of this map (c.1140), were diverted by King Baldwin III of Jerusalem to Damascus.

The crusader kingdom of the County of Edessa fell to Imad al-Din Zengi, a Turkoman atabeg of the Seljuk Empire,[15] on 24 December 1144.[16] In response, Pope Eugene III in December 1145 called for a Second Crusade to retake the kingdom.[16]

The two main Christian forces that marched to the Holy Land were led by Kings Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany. King Stephen of England did not participate in the second crusade due to internal conflicts.[17] Meanwhile, King David I of Scotland was dissuaded by his subjects from joining the crusade himself.[18] Conrad's army may have been 30,000 to 35,000 combatants at most.[19] Contributors to Conrad's forces included Dukes Bolesław IV of Poland and Vladislaus II of Bohemia (who halted his march at Constantinople and subsequently returned), and Conrad's nephew, Frederick Barbarossa of Swabia.[20] The size of the French army is more difficult to estimate, but was likely the size of the German force.[21][a]

The crusaders marched across Europe and arrived at Constantinople in September and October 1147.[22] Both Louis and Conrad faced disastrous marches across Anatolia in the months that followed. The Germans left Nicaea about 25 October O.S., headed for Antioch. Constantly harassed by mounted Turkish archers, infantry and support personnel suffered the most casualties and Conrad got about three days out of Dorylaeum before he turned back.[23] Only about a tenth of his army remained.[24]

The French chose a less direct route to Antioch. They stopped at the Crusader strongholds of Lopadium and Esseron before passing through Pergamon, Smyrna, and Ephesus.[25] Conrad and his force joined them at Lopadium,[26] but by the time the joint army reached Ephesus Conrad and most of his soldiers were too ill to continue. Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos sent ships to pick them up and bring them to Constantinople to recuperate.[27] Using the valley of the Maeander River, Louis headed overland to the southeast, headed for the port of Adalia.[28] Reaching Mount Cadmus, Geoffrey of Rancon led the vanguard up to summit. He moved so swiftly, he left the baggage train behind. Louis, in the rearguard, remained in camp, not intending to ascend until the next day. The Turks attacked the baggage train, which was only saved when Louis rushed to its rescue.[29] Three-fourths of the French army was lost.[30]

At Adalia, Louis preferred to have his knights travel overland to Antioch while the sick, injured, and those without funds to purchase provisions or steeds took passage to the duchy via ship. His nobles dissuaded him of adopting his course. Louis personally gave a large sum of money and most of his remaining horses to the overland group, putting Thierry, Count of Flanders and Archambaud VII, Duke of Bourbon in charge of the march.[31]

After three days at sea,[32] Louis reached the Principality of Antioch on 19 March 1148 O.S.[33] Raymond of Poitiers was prince of the realm and uncle of Eleanor of Aquitaine, the French king's wife.[34] Raymond wanted Louis to help him conquer Aleppo, Shaizar, and other nearby Muslim-held cities.[35][b] He discussed these ideas with Louis in private, and then presented his proposal to Louis before a joint meeting of Antiochene and French nobles in mid-May.[38] Louis refused, wanting to go to Jerusalem as quickly as possible. He even refused to help Raymond upon his return north.[39][c] Eleanor said she would seek an annullment of her marriage on grounds of consanguinity if Louis did not attack Aleppo.[41] Rumors soon circulated that Eleanor was having an affair with her uncle.[42] An outraged Louis had Eleanor placed under house arrest.[43]

While in Constantinople, Conrad and Manuel agreed in principle to an alliance against Roger II, King of Sicily.[44] Conrad's brother, Henry II, Duke of Austria, also promised to marry Manuel's niece, Theodora Komnene.[45] Finally, Manuel gave Conrad funds to hire mercenary knights to help replenish his forces.[44] Conrad left Constantinople on 7 March O.S. for Acre aboard a fleet of triremes loaned to him by Manuel.[44] Delayed by storms, he arrived at Acre in early April. After celebrating Easter there on 11 April O.S., Conrad went to Jerusalem.[46]

Council of Acre

[edit]
13th century depiction of the Council of Acre

In May 1148,[46] a private meeting was held in Jerusalem in which Conrad, Baldwin III, Patriarch of Jerusalem Fulcher, and representatives from the Knights Templar attended. The group discussed possible targets for the crusaders, and settled on Damascus.[47] Afterward, Fulcher was sent to Louis VII at Acre.[47] Historian Hans Eberhard Mayer argues that Fulcher must have informed Louis about the decision reached in Jerusalem, and likely persuaded him that it was the right choice.[48][d]

The kings and nobles of the French and German armies; the Queen Mother Melisende, King Baldwin III, and top nobility of the Kingdom of Jerusalem; the Catholic Church hierarchy of the Kingdom of Jerusalem; and the heads of the Knights Templar and Knights Hospitaller met in council at Palmarea near Acre on 24 June. "It was a meeting of the most important individuals yet to gather in the history of the Latin East. The presence of two senior crowned heads of the West, accompanied by many close members of their families, along with senior churchmen and nobles, was unprecedented."[49] Although the choice of target had already been decided, this was a chance for Louis to make his opinions known publicly.[50] There was much discussion, but little debate, and according to William of Tyre the decision to attack Damascus was made unanimously.[51]

In July, the three kings and their armies assembled at Tiberias and marched to Damascus by way of Banias.[1]

Siege of Damascus

[edit]
Crusaders besieging Damascus

Mu'in al-Din Unur learned of the Crusader decision to attack his city almost immediately. He sent messengers to other Muslim-held cities nearby, calling for aid. He also had engineers divert water sources along the road to Damascus, to make it more difficult for the Crusaders as they marched, and posted scouts along the road to warn him of the invading army's approach.[43]

The Crusader army moved to Tiberias, a city on the western short of the Sea of Galilee, where for the first two weeks of July it waited for the Kingdom of Jerusalem's levies to arrive.[43][52] Islamic historians claimed the Crusaders had 50,000 men, but modern historians believe this to be a gross exaggeration.[43] More realistically, the Crusader army probably had 20,000 combatants, plus an unknown number of support personnel and hangers-on. This made it the largest Crusader army fielded in two centuries.[43]

The army marched north along the Jordan River, paused briefly at Banias, then crossed into Damascene territory while skirting the southern slopes of Mount Hermon.[53] Islamic chroniclers say the army approached Damascus from the south, thinking to set up camp at Manazil al'Asakir.[53][e] But Unur had diverted the water supply away from that place, so the army moved to about 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) south to the village of Al-Kiswah[53] and set up camp there on 23 July.[55]

24 July

[edit]
The three kings and the siege, from a 13th-century manuscript

Densely planted, irrigated orchards extended up to 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) from the northern and western sides of medieval Damascus.[56] Each plot was surrounded by a mud brick wall, and some plots even had towers. The only way through the orchards were via pathways which were only wide enough to accommodate a small cart.[57] The orchards were a good defensive structure; the Crusader commanders believed that if they successfully penetrated the orchards, the defenders would be demoralized.[57] The crusaders decided to attack Damascus from the west.[22] The orchards would also supply food and water to the attacking army.[22]

The Crusaders decided to attack Damascus from the west.[22] The Kingdom of Jerusalem's forces were in the vanguard, led by Baldwin III. Behind them, acting as reinforcements, were the French led by Louis VII. The rearguard consisted of Conrad III and the small German force.[56] The defenders acted like guerrillas,[57] attacking with arrows and lances from behind the walls, from the towers, and from the trees.[58] At the village of Mezzeh,[59][f] Damascene soldiers and ahdath (local militia), as well as some Turkish mercenaries, fought fiercely to stop the Crusaders but were unable to stop them.[60]

The attackers now turned north toward the Barada River and the village of al-Rabweh.[57][60][g] Mounted Turkish archers struck hard, and the Damascene soldiers attacked with small, mobile ballistae.[57] The Crusader advance bogged down. William of Tyre claimed that Conrad III became so incensed that he and some of his knights charged through the Crusader lines, dismounted, and broke the Damascene line.[61][h]

The majority of the Crusader forced now crossed the Barada River and made camp for the night north of the city. The remainder of the army camped opposite the Bab al-Jabiya gate. In both places, the attackers cut down orchard trees to make defensive palisades.[62] The Damascenes barricaded the major streets, preparing for the assault.[58]

25 July

[edit]

During the counter-attack on Sunday, 25 July, the Damascus forces took heavy losses, including the 71-year-old lawyer and scholar Yusuf al-Findalawi, the Sufi mystic Al-Halhli and emir of Baalbek, Nur ad-Din Shahanshah, elder brother of Saladin.[63][64] By the end of 25 July, the crusaders set up camp on the Green Field (Maydan al-Akhdar in modern-day Baramkeh), a grassy area the Damascene cavalry used as a training ground.[65]

26 July

[edit]

The defenders launched an attack to the north of Damascus to repel the attackers. Despite heavy fighting, they cleared the area and received reinforcements from Lebanon and Saif ad-Din,[65] including archers from the Beqaa Valley, increasing the number of defenders and doubling their supply of arms, according to Ibn al-Qalanisi.[66] During a raid on the crusader camp on 26 July, according to Abu Shama:

A large group of inhabitants and villagers...put to flight all the sentries, killed them, without fear of danger, taking the heads of all the enemy they killed and wanting to touch these trophies. The numbers of heads they gathered was considerable.[67]

27 July

[edit]

The crusaders probably intended to concentrate on the eastern and southern edge of the city by attacking the weakest gate, Bab al-Saghir (Small Gate), built only of mud bricks.[65] In the late afternoon, King Louis asked his senior lieutenant Godefroy de la Roche Vanneau to assess the defenses of the south and southeastern walls.[64] According to William of Tyre, on 27 July, the crusaders decided to move to the plain on the eastern side of the city, opposite Bab Tuma and Bab Sharqi, which was less heavily fortified but had much less food and water.[22]

There were conflicts in both camps: Unur did not trust Saif ad-Din or Nur ad-Din not to conquer the city if their offer of help was accepted and the crusaders could not agree on who would receive the city if they captured it. Guy I Brisebarre, lord of Beirut, was the suggestion of the local barons of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, but Thierry of Alsace, Count of Flanders, wanted it for himself and was supported by Baldwin, Louis, and Conrad. According to William of Tyre, the resulting dispute contributed to the siege's failure: 'for the local barons preferred that the Damascenes should keep their city rather than to see it given to the count', and so did all they could to ensure the siege collapsed.[68][i] Some recorded that Unur had bribed the leaders to move to a less defensible position and promised to break off his alliance with Nur ad-Din if the crusaders went home.[58]

28 July

[edit]

Nur ad-Din and Saif ad-Din arrived at Homs and were negotiating with Unur for possession of Damascus, something neither Unur nor the crusaders wanted. Saif ad-Din apparently also wrote to the crusaders, urging them to return home. With Nur ad-Din in the field it was impossible to return to their better position.[58] The local Crusader lords refused to continue the siege, and the three kings had to abandon the city.[22] First Conrad, then the rest of the army, retreated to Jerusalem on 28 July. Throughout their retreat they were followed by Muslim archers who constantly harassed them.[71] Historians such as Ralph of Coggeshall, John of Salisbury, and the annalist of Würzburg report that the siege was abandoned when the Templars accepted a bribe, while William of Tyre and Michael the Syrian say that the given coins were made of copper instead of gold.[72][73][j]

English historian Henry of Huntingdon summed up the whole expedition by writing:

1148. In this year, the armies of the Emperor of Germany and the King of France were annihilated. though … they had commenced their march under the greatest leaders and in the proudest confidence. But God despised them … for they abandoned themselves to open fornication … to robbery and every sort of wickedness. First they were starved by famine, through the false conduct of the Emperor of Constantinople, and afterwards were destroyed by the enemy's sword. King Louis and the emperor took refuge, at Antioch, and afterwards in Jerusalem with the remnant of their followers. And the French king, wishing to do something to restore his reputation, laid siege to Damascus with the aid of the Knights Templars of Jerusalem, and a force drawn from all quarters. But lacking the favor of God, and therefore having no success, he returned to France.

— [75]

Aftermath

[edit]

Each of the Christian forces felt betrayed by the other.[22] A new plan was made to attack Ascalon but was abandoned due to lack of trust resulting from the failed siege. This mutual distrust lingered for a generation due to the defeat, to the ruin of the Christian kingdoms in the Holy Land. After the battle, Conrad returned to Constantinople to further his alliance with Manuel I Komnenos. As a result of the attack, Damascus no longer trusted the crusaders, and the city was formally handed over to Nur ad-Din in 1154. Bernard of Clairvaux was also humiliated, and when his attempt to call a new crusade failed, he tried to disassociate himself from the fiasco of the Second Crusade altogether.[76][77]

Legacy

[edit]

The French Crusader Robert de Brie, who took part in the Siege of Damascus in 1148, is sometimes credited for bringing the Damask rose from Syria to Europe.[78] The Crusaders carved the fleur-de-lis on a stone outside Bab Sharqi, in addition to scattering coins in a ditch there.[79]

During the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon, the French built Mezzeh prison on a hilltop structure that dates to crusader days and used it to house anti-colonial fighters and political prisoners.[80]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ↑ These estimates do not include non-combatant support personnel.[19]
  2. ↑ Antioch had been under Byzantine control until 1084. It was one of the first cities taken by the First Crusade. The crusaders had earlier promised to return the city to the Byzantine emperor, but refused to do so. Raymond of Poitiers became king of Antioch by marriage to the child princess Constance of Antioch in 1136. The Bryzantines besieged Antioch in 1137, and forced Raymond to submit. Raymond was permitted to hold the Principality of Antioch until such time as the Byzantines conquered Aleppo, Shaizar, Hama, and Homs. If they did so, Raymond would be forced to abandon Antioch for these cities. Raymond believed that if he conquered these cities without Byzantine support, the agreement of 1137 would be obviated.[36] Additionally, Raymond had quarrelled with Joscelin II of Edessa, and had little interest in recapturing the County of Edessa for him.[37]
  3. ↑ The reasons for the French king's decision have confounded historians. William of Tyre said Louis wished to fulfill his crusader vow to visit Jerusalem, and historian Jonathan Phillips notes that Louis was almost certainly aware by now that Conrad III had landed at Acre. Louis may have wished to rush south to join up with the most senior king in Europe. But, Philips also points out that this did not require Louis to also refuse to help once he had done so.[38] Phillips suggests the French army's manpower losses and a lack of funds to keep his army in the field mitigated against any agreement to help Raymond.[38] Louis may also have learned that the city of Edessa had nearly been razed since the loss of the county and that nearly all the Christians in Edessa had been killed, leaving little to fight for, and that Louis had no desire to enrage Manuel I by helping Raymond.[40]
  4. ↑ Mayer reasons that Louis must have accepted the decision, which is why he marched with the remnant of his army to Jerusalem instead of attacking some other target.[48]
  5. ↑ Near the modern town of Darayya.[54]
  6. ↑ Mezzeh is about 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) south of the Barada River and 3.8 kilometres (2.4 mi) west-northwest of the medieval city's walls.
  7. ↑ Al-Rabweh is about 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) west of medieval Damascus.
  8. ↑ William of Tyre was unable to explain how Conrad was able to plunge through both the French and Jerusalemite lines to reach the front without disrupting the attacking forces.[60]
  9. ↑ In a similar situation, Thierry of Alsace participated in Baldwin III's siege of Shaizar in 1157,[69] but the fortress remained in Muslim hands when a dispute arose between Thierry and Raynald of Châtillon over who would possess it should it be captured.[70]
  10. ↑ Waleran de Beaumont was among who received criticism for their role during the Siege of Damascus.[74]

References

[edit]
  1. 1 2 Runciman 1952, pp. 228–229.
  2. ↑ Phillips 1994, pp. 141–142.
  3. ↑ Runciman 1952, pp. 179–180.
  4. ↑ Tyerman 2019, pp. 160–161.
  5. ↑ Runciman 1952, p. 227.
  6. ↑ Runciman 1952, pp. 227–228.
  7. ↑ Richard 1999, p. 152.
  8. 1 2 Mayer 1972, p. 122.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Runciman 1952, p. 241.
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mayer 1972, p. 123.
  11. ↑ Smail 1956, pp. 158–159.
  12. ↑ Hoch 2002, p. 182.
  13. ↑ Morton 2020, p. 112.
  14. ↑ Humphrys, Stephen (1994). "Women As Patrons of Religious Architecture in Ayyubid Damascus". In Necipogulu, Gulru (ed.). Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture. Vol 11. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers. p. 42. ISBN 9789004100701.
  15. ↑ El-Azhari 2016, p. 10.
  16. 1 2 Claster 2009, p. 147.
  17. ↑ Schmieder & O'Doherty 2015, pp. 121–138.
  18. ↑ Cowan, Mackay & Macquarrie 1983, p. 18.
  19. 1 2 Phillips 2007, p. 169.
  20. ↑ Runciman 1952, p. 211.
  21. ↑ France, John (2020). "Crusaders and Settlers in the East, 1096-1291: Christian Attack, Muslim Response". In Curry, Anne; Graff, David A. (eds.). The Cambridge History of War. Volume II: War and the Medieval World. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 268. ISBN 9780521877152.
  22. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Riley-Smith 1991, p. 50.
  23. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 178-180.
  24. ↑ Michaud 1900, p. 352.
  25. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 196.
  26. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 180.
  27. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 183.
  28. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 198, 203.
  29. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 199–201.
  30. ↑ Michaud 1900, p. 360.
  31. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 203–205.
  32. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 205.
  33. ↑ Workman, H.B. (1912). "Crusades". In Hastings, James; Selbie, John A.; Gray, Louis H. (eds.). Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics. Volume IV: Confirmation—Drama. New York: C. Scribner's Sons. p. 348. OCLC 3065458.
  34. ↑ Carey, Allfree & Cairns 2022, p. 81.
  35. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 207–208.
  36. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 208.
  37. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 208–209.
  38. 1 2 3 Phillips 2007, p. 209.
  39. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 209–210.
  40. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 210.
  41. ↑ Carey, Allfree & Cairns 2022, pp. 81–82.
  42. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 211–212.
  43. 1 2 3 4 5 Carey, Allfree & Cairns 2022, p. 82.
  44. 1 2 3 Phillips 2007, p. 212.
  45. ↑ Venning, Timothy (2006). A Chronology of the Byzantine Empire. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 4820483. ISBN 9781403917744; Beck, Hans-Georg; Fink, Karl August; Glazik, Josef; Iserloh, Erwin; Wolter, Hans (1980). Jedin, Hubert; Dolan, John (eds.). Handbook of Church History. Volume IV: From The High Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation. Translated by Biggs, Anselm. London: Burns & Oates. p. 37. ISBN 9780824503147.
  46. 1 2 Phillips 2007, p. 213.
  47. 1 2 Mayer 1972, p. 127.
  48. 1 2 Mayer 1972, pp. 127–128.
  49. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 216.
  50. ↑ Phillips 2007, pp. 216–217.
  51. ↑ Phillips 2007, p. 217.
  52. ↑ Phillips & 21007, p. 218.
  53. 1 2 3 Barber 2012, p. 156.
  54. ↑ al-Qalānisi, Ibn (1932). Gibb, H.A.R. (ed.). The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades: Extracted and Translated From the Chronicle of Ibn al-Qalānisi. London: Luzac & Co. pp. 196, 283, 298.
  55. ↑ Nicolle 2009, p. 57.
  56. 1 2 Phillips 2007, p. 218.
  57. 1 2 3 4 5 Phillips 2007, p. 220.
  58. 1 2 3 4 Brundage 1962, pp. 115–121.
  59. ↑ Burns 2007, p. 153.
  60. 1 2 3 Nicolle 2009, p. 58.
  61. ↑ Nicolle 2009, pp. 58–59.
  62. ↑ Nicolle 2009, p. 59.
  63. ↑ Nicolle 2009, p. 67.
  64. 1 2 Welsh, William E. (2022). "Crusader Calamity at Damascus". Warfare History Network.
  65. 1 2 3 "The Siege of Damascus, 1148 CE". World History Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 8 May 2021. Retrieved 23 April 2021.
  66. ↑ "The Second Crusade: The Siege of Damascus, 1148". cornell.edu. Archived from the original on 4 June 2021. Retrieved 4 June 2021.
  67. ↑ Nicolle 2009, p. 71.
  68. ↑ William of Tyre, XVII. 7.
  69. ↑ Baldwin 1969, p. 541.
  70. ↑ Baldwin 1969, p. 542.
  71. ↑ Baldwin 1969, p. 510.
  72. ↑ Davies 2008, p. 266.
  73. ↑ Sandra Alvarez (16 March 2014). "Looking Back on the Second Crusade: Some Late Twelfth-Century English Perspectives". deremilitari.org. Archived from the original on 22 October 2020. Retrieved 26 September 2020.
  74. ↑ Schmieder & O'Doherty 2015, p. 125.
  75. ↑ Davies 2008, pp. 261–262.
  76. ↑ Runciman 1952, pp. 232–234.
  77. ↑ Runciman 1952, p. 277.
  78. ↑ Selina Denman (25 May 2016). "The city gardener: the damask rose's history and appeal". The National News. Archived from the original on 12 December 2020. Retrieved 26 December 2020.
  79. ↑ Wright 1895, p. 226.
  80. ↑ George 2003, p. 40.

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Schmieder, Felicitas; O'Doherty, Marianne (2015). Travels and Mobilities in the Middle Ages: From the Atlantic to the Black Sea. Vol. 21. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers. ISBN 978-2-503-55449-5.
  • Smail, R.C. (1956). Crusading Warfare, 1097–1193. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. OCLC 242573.
  • Tyerman, Christopher (2019). The World of the Crusades: An Illustrated History. Yale University Press.
  • William of Tyre (1943). "1". A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea. Vol. 2. Translated by E.A. Babcock and A.C. Krey. Columbia University Press.
  • Wright, William (1895). An Account of Palmyra and Zenobia with Travels and Adventures in Bashan and the Desert. Thomas Nelson & Sons.
[edit]

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